Sueno Aggonis - Revision history

Hkllm at 13:40, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T13:40:55Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 13:40, 27 June 2012
Line 249:		Line 249:
	So unfavourably was this genealogy received, that it has not been transmitted. The notion of an unbroken hereditary line of kings stretching from the beginning of Denmark to modern times was not rejected by Saxo, but virtually eluded Danish genealogists until the seventeenth century; see the examples in SM 1, 147–94, Series et Genealogiae (GERTZ 1917–1922). It was the Icelanders who had invented this notion, in the early twelfth century; they kept it alive in their pedigree collections, but without reference to Sven.		So unfavourably was this genealogy received, that it has not been transmitted. The notion of an unbroken hereditary line of kings stretching from the beginning of Denmark to modern times was not rejected by Saxo, but virtually eluded Danish genealogists until the seventeenth century; see the examples in SM 1, 147–94, Series et Genealogiae (GERTZ 1917–1922). It was the Icelanders who had invented this notion, in the early twelfth century; they kept it alive in their pedigree collections, but without reference to Sven.

	===Bibliography===		==Bibliography==
	There is really no Sven bibliography, apart from GERTZ and CHRISTENSEN. Allusions to him and his work occur in much of the abundant Saxo-literature, and in almost every history of medieval Denmark; but the Saxo fan-club is not much concerned with Sven for his own sake, and in recent years he has been slotted recklessly into ideological pigeon-holes in order to support theories of Valdemarine kingship.		There is really no Sven bibliography, apart from GERTZ and CHRISTENSEN. Allusions to him and his work occur in much of the abundant Saxo-literature, and in almost every history of medieval Denmark; but the Saxo fan-club is not much concerned with Sven for his own sake, and in recent years he has been slotted recklessly into ideological pigeon-holes in order to support theories of Valdemarine kingship.

Line 282:		Line 282:
	*MALMROS, R. 1979: “Blodgildet i Roskilde historiografisk belyst,” Scandia 45, 43–66 (for Sven’s interpretation of 1157).		*MALMROS, R. 1979: “Blodgildet i Roskilde historiografisk belyst,” Scandia 45, 43–66 (for Sven’s interpretation of 1157).
	*MARTINEZ-PIZARRO, J. 1988: “Sven Aggesen” in (Scribner’s) Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. J.H. Strayer, 11, 322–30 (résumé, in English).		*MARTINEZ-PIZARRO, J. 1988: “Sven Aggesen” in (Scribner’s) Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. J.H. Strayer, 11, 322–30 (résumé, in English).
			*MORTENSEN, L.B. 2011: ‘Historia Norwegie and Sven Aggesen: Two Pioneers in Comparison’, in Historical Narratives and Christian Identity on a European Periphery: Early History Writing in Northern, East-Central, and Eastern Europe (c. 1070-1200), ed. I. Garipzanov, Brepols, 57-70.
	*MÜLLER, P.E. 1830: Kritiske Bemaerkninger over Saxos danske Historier, Copenhagen (attempts to identify Sven).		*MÜLLER, P.E. 1830: Kritiske Bemaerkninger over Saxos danske Historier, Copenhagen (attempts to identify Sven).
	*OLRIK, J. 1900–1901: “Sven Aggesøn: Danernes Historie,” in Krøniker fra Valdemarstiden, Copenhagen.		*OLRIK, J. 1900–1901: “Sven Aggesøn: Danernes Historie,” in Krøniker fra Valdemarstiden, Copenhagen.

Hkllm at 13:32, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T13:32:47Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 13:32, 27 June 2012
Line 251:		Line 251:
	===Bibliography===		===Bibliography===
	There is really no Sven bibliography, apart from GERTZ and CHRISTENSEN. Allusions to him and his work occur in much of the abundant Saxo-literature, and in almost every history of medieval Denmark; but the Saxo fan-club is not much concerned with Sven for his own sake, and in recent years he has been slotted recklessly into ideological pigeon-holes in order to support theories of Valdemarine kingship.		There is really no Sven bibliography, apart from GERTZ and CHRISTENSEN. Allusions to him and his work occur in much of the abundant Saxo-literature, and in almost every history of medieval Denmark; but the Saxo fan-club is not much concerned with Sven for his own sake, and in recent years he has been slotted recklessly into ideological pigeon-holes in order to support theories of Valdemarine kingship.
	ALBØGE, G. 1974: “Til Vederloven,” in Festskrift til Kristian Hald, Copenhagen, 293–318 (argues for the independence of the Danish texts of the Vederlov from Sven’s LC).
	ANCHER, P.K. 1769: En Dansk Lov-Historie fra Kong Harald Blaatands tid til Kong Christian den Femtes, 2 vols., Copenhagen (for early discussion of LC).		*ALBØGE, G. 1974: “Til Vederloven,” in Festskrift til Kristian Hald, Copenhagen, 293–318 (argues for the independence of the Danish texts of the Vederlov from Sven’s LC).
	ARUP, E. 1925: Danmarks Historie (1), Land og Folk til 1282, Copenhagen (253: For Sven as retired guardee with literary pretensions).		*ANCHER, P.K. 1769: En Dansk Lov-Historie fra Kong Harald Blaatands tid til Kong Christian den Femtes, 2 vols., Copenhagen (for early discussion of LC).
	BOLIN, S. 1931. Om Nordens äldsta historieforskning: Studier over dess källvärde (Lunds universitets årsskrift, NF, Avd I, 27/3), Lund (43–62: Still the best assessment of Sven’s sources, aims, standpoint and originality).		*ARUP, E. 1925: Danmarks Historie (1), Land og Folk til 1282, Copenhagen (253: For Sven as retired guardee with literary pretensions).
	BOSERUP, I. (ed.) 1975: Saxostudier, Copenhagen (for K. Christensen on “Saxo og Sven” 128–37, and Lukman, Skyum-Nielsen, A. Kristensen etc. in Diskusion 137–42).		*BOLIN, S. 1931. Om Nordens äldsta historieforskning: Studier over dess källvärde (Lunds universitets årsskrift, NF, Avd I, 27/3), Lund (43–62: Still the best assessment of Sven’s sources, aims, standpoint and originality).
	CHRISTENSEN, K. 1979: “Aggesen, Sven,” in DBL 1 (3rd ed.), Copenhagen.		*BOSERUP, I. (ed.) 1975: Saxostudier, Copenhagen (for K. Christensen on “Saxo og Sven” 128–37, and Lukman, Skyum-Nielsen, A. Kristensen etc. in Diskusion 137–42).
	CHRISTENSEN, A.E. 1945: Kongemagt og Aristokrati: Epoker i middelalderlig dansk statsopfattelse, Copenhagen, (for an influential assessment of the political context of Sven’s work, 29–46).		*CHRISTENSEN, K. 1979: “Aggesen, Sven,” in DBL 1 (3rd ed.), Copenhagen.
	CHRISTENSEN, A.E. 1978: Ret og Magt i dansk Middelalder, Copenhagen (brief but essential for evaluation of Vederlov as law).		*CHRISTENSEN, A.E. 1945: Kongemagt og Aristokrati: Epoker i middelalderlig dansk statsopfattelse, Copenhagen, (for an influential assessment of the political context of Sven’s work, 29–46).
	CHRISTENSEN, K. 1978: Om overleveringen af Sven Aggesens Værker (Skrifter udgivet af det historiske institut ved Københavns universitet 10) (the essential analysis and guide: establishes date of A, spuriousness of S, fate of manuscript).		*CHRISTENSEN, A.E. 1978: Ret og Magt i dansk Middelalder, Copenhagen (brief but essential for evaluation of Vederlov as law).
	CHRISTIANSEN, E. 1992: The works of Sven Aggesen: twelfth-century Danish historian (Viking Society for Northern Research, ser. 9), Birmingham.		*CHRISTENSEN, K. 1978: Om overleveringen af Sven Aggesens Værker (Skrifter udgivet af det historiske institut ved Københavns universitet 10) (the essential analysis and guide: establishes date of A, spuriousness of S, fate of manuscript).
	DAHLMANN, C.F. 1822: Forschungen auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte, 2 vols., Altona (1, 180 n.: attempt to fix date at 1185–1187 for HC).		*CHRISTIANSEN, E. 1992: The works of Sven Aggesen: twelfth-century Danish historian (Viking Society for Northern Research, ser. 9), Birmingham.
	DAMSHOLT, N. 1985: Kvindebilledet i dansk højmiddelalder, Copenhagen (for a feminist perspective on the Tyra episode 158–62).		*DAHLMANN, C.F. 1822: Forschungen auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte, 2 vols., Altona (1, 180 n.: attempt to fix date at 1185–1187 for HC).
	FENGER, O. 1989: Kirker rejses alle vegne: vol. 4 of Gyldendal og Politikens Danmarks Historie (207 for assessment of Sven).		*DAMSHOLT, N. 1985: Kvindebilledet i dansk højmiddelalder, Copenhagen (for a feminist perspective on the Tyra episode 158–62).
	FRIIS-JENSEN, K. 1989: “Was Saxo a canon of Lund?,” Cahiers de l'Institut du Moyen-Age Grec et Latin lix, 331–57 (for the related problem of Saxo’s identity).		*FENGER, O. 1989: Kirker rejses alle vegne: vol. 4 of Gyldendal og Politikens Danmarks Historie (207 for assessment of Sven).
	GERTZ, M.CL. 1908–1912: VSD, Copenhagen.		*FRIIS-JENSEN, K. 1989: “Was Saxo a canon of Lund?,” Cahiers de l'Institut du Moyen-Age Grec et Latin lix, 331–57 (for the related problem of Saxo’s identity).
	GERTZ, M.CL. 1916: Sven Aggesøns historiske Skrifter, Copenhagen.		*GERTZ, M.CL. 1908–1912: VSD, Copenhagen.
	GERTZ, M.CL. 1917–1922: SM, 2 vols., repr. 1970, Copenhagen (for the texts of Sven’s Opuscula, Roskilde Chronicle, Lejre Chronicle, and Genealogies).		*GERTZ, M.CL. 1916: Sven Aggesøns historiske Skrifter, Copenhagen.
	HOLBERG, L. 1889: Dansk Rigslovgivning, Copenhagen (still indispensable for the examination of the Vederlov and law-making).		*GERTZ, M.CL. 1917–1922: SM, 2 vols., repr. 1970, Copenhagen (for the texts of Sven’s Opuscula, Roskilde Chronicle, Lejre Chronicle, and Genealogies).
	HOLDER-EGGER, O. 1889: “Zur Textkritik des Saxo und Sueno Aggeson,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 14, Hannover (argued that an interpolated but medieval manuscript lay behind A, but that some of the readings in S were nevertheless preferable).		*HOLBERG, L. 1889: Dansk Rigslovgivning, Copenhagen (still indispensable for the examination of the Vederlov and law-making).
	HØRBY, K. 1981: in Samfundet i vikingetid og middelalder, Gyldendals Dansk Socialhistorie 2, ed. N. Lund og K. Hørby, Copenhagen (for the social situation and changes implicit in the Vederlov and LC: 192–94).		*HOLDER-EGGER, O. 1889: “Zur Textkritik des Saxo und Sueno Aggeson,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 14, Hannover (argued that an interpolated but medieval manuscript lay behind A, but that some of the readings in S were nevertheless preferable).
	JOHANNESSON, K. 1978: Saxo Grammaticus, Stockholm (244–46, 312–30, for illuminating comparison and contrast with Saxo, and emphasis on Sven’s “aristocratic” standpoint).		*HØRBY, K. 1981: in Samfundet i vikingetid og middelalder, Gyldendals Dansk Socialhistorie 2, ed. N. Lund og K. Hørby, Copenhagen (for the social situation and changes implicit in the Vederlov and LC: 192–94).
	JØRGENSEN, E. 1960: Historieforskning og Historieskrivning i Danmark indtil Aar 1800, 2nd ed., Copenhagen (28–31 for Sven).		*JOHANNESSON, K. 1978: Saxo Grammaticus, Stockholm (244–46, 312–30, for illuminating comparison and contrast with Saxo, and emphasis on Sven’s “aristocratic” standpoint).
	LAGERBRING, S. 1769: Svea Rikes Historia, 2 vols., Stockholm (first to connect Sven with Lundensian Sven: vol. 2, 823).		*JØRGENSEN, E. 1960: Historieforskning og Historieskrivning i Danmark indtil Aar 1800, 2nd ed., Copenhagen (28–31 for Sven).
	LANGEBEK, J. 1774: SRD 3.		*LAGERBRING, S. 1769: Svea Rikes Historia, 2 vols., Stockholm (first to connect Sven with Lundensian Sven: vol. 2, 823).
	LIEBERMANN, F. 1904: Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen 3 vols., 1903–1916 (edition of Quadripartitus and possible LC analogues).		*LANGEBEK, J. 1774: SRD 3.
	LIEDGREN, J. 1960: “Gårdsrätt,” in KLNM 5, col. 645–47 (for survey of rules for household warriors).		*LIEBERMANN, F. 1904: Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen 3 vols., 1903–1916 (edition of Quadripartitus and possible LC analogues).
	LÖFSTEDT, E. 1917: review and appreciation of GERTZ 1916 in Svensk Humanistiska Tidskrift i, 168–73.		*LIEDGREN, J. 1960: “Gårdsrätt,” in KLNM 5, col. 645–47 (for survey of rules for household warriors).
	LUKMAN, see BOSERUP 1975 for his later dating of Sven’s work.		*LÖFSTEDT, E. 1917: review and appreciation of GERTZ 1916 in Svensk Humanistiska Tidskrift i, 168–73.
	MALMROS, R. 1979: “Blodgildet i Roskilde historiografisk belyst,” Scandia 45, 43–66 (for Sven’s interpretation of 1157).		*LUKMAN, see BOSERUP 1975 for his later dating of Sven’s work.
	MARTINEZ-PIZARRO, J. 1988: “Sven Aggesen” in (Scribner’s) Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. J.H. Strayer, 11, 322–30 (résumé, in English).		*MALMROS, R. 1979: “Blodgildet i Roskilde historiografisk belyst,” Scandia 45, 43–66 (for Sven’s interpretation of 1157).
	MÜLLER, P.E. 1830: Kritiske Bemaerkninger over Saxos danske Historier, Copenhagen (attempts to identify Sven).		*MARTINEZ-PIZARRO, J. 1988: “Sven Aggesen” in (Scribner’s) Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. J.H. Strayer, 11, 322–30 (résumé, in English).
	OLRIK, J. 1900–1901: “Sven Aggesøn: Danernes Historie,” in Krøniker fra Valdemarstiden, Copenhagen.		*MÜLLER, P.E. 1830: Kritiske Bemaerkninger over Saxos danske Historier, Copenhagen (attempts to identify Sven).
	RIIS, T. 1977: Les institutions politiques centrales du Danemark 1100–1322, Odense (31–54 on vederlov, 206–35 for Sven’s contribution to Valdemarine “kongeideologi”).		*OLRIK, J. 1900–1901: “Sven Aggesøn: Danernes Historie,” in Krøniker fra Valdemarstiden, Copenhagen.
	SAWYER, B. 1985a: “Saxo – Valdemar – Absalon,” Scandia 51, 33–60 (associates Sven with royalist policy): translated in:		*RIIS, T. 1977: Les institutions politiques centrales du Danemark 1100–1322, Odense (31–54 on vederlov, 206–35 for Sven’s contribution to Valdemarine “kongeideologi”).
	SAWYER, B. 1985b: Revue Belge de Philologie et d'Histoire lxiii/4.		*SAWYER, B. 1985a: “Saxo – Valdemar – Absalon,” Scandia 51, 33–60 (associates Sven with royalist policy): translated in:
	SIMON, G. 1958–1959: “Untersuchungen zur Topik der Widmungsbriefe mittelalterliche Geschichtsschreiber bis zum Ende des 12 Jahrhunderts,” Archiv für Diplomatik 4, 52–119, 73–153.		*SAWYER, B. 1985b: Revue Belge de Philologie et d'Histoire lxiii/4.
	SKOVGAARD-PETERSEN, I. 1969: “Saxo, historian of the Patria,” Mediaeval Scandinavia 2 (74–77 on Sven and Saxo as polemical national unifiers).		*SIMON, G. 1958–1959: “Untersuchungen zur Topik der Widmungsbriefe mittelalterliche Geschichtsschreiber bis zum Ende des 12 Jahrhunderts,” Archiv für Diplomatik 4, 52–119, 73–153.
	SKYUM-NIELSEN, N. 1971: Kvinde og Slave, Copenhagen (includes an appraisal of Sven’s work as socially-divisive propaganda).		*SKOVGAARD-PETERSEN, I. 1969: “Saxo, historian of the Patria,” Mediaeval Scandinavia 2 (74–77 on Sven and Saxo as polemical national unifiers).
	STEENSTRUP, J.C.H.R. 1896: Danmarks Riges Historie i, Copenhagen (707–8, for Sven as romantic folklorist).		*SKYUM-NIELSEN, N. 1971: Kvinde og Slave, Copenhagen (includes an appraisal of Sven’s work as socially-divisive propaganda).
	STRAND, B. 1980: Kvinnor och män i Gesta Danorum, Stockholm (for comparison with Saxo on Tyra and women’s rights).		*STEENSTRUP, J.C.H.R. 1896: Danmarks Riges Historie i, Copenhagen (707–8, for Sven as romantic folklorist).
	VELSCHOW, J.M. 1858: Saxonis Grammatici Historia Danica: pars posterior, Prolegomena et Notae posteriores, Copenhagen (XVIII–XXIV on Sven as archdeacon of Lund).		*STRAND, B. 1980: Kvinnor och män i Gesta Danorum, Stockholm (for comparison with Saxo on Tyra and women’s rights).
	WAITZ, G. 1887: “Zur Kritik dänischer Geschichtsquellen: Der Text des Sueno Aggonis,” Neues Archiv 12 (first to argue for the primacy of the A-text: 13–17).		*VELSCHOW, J.M. 1858: Saxonis Grammatici Historia Danica: pars posterior, Prolegomena et Notae posteriores, Copenhagen (XVIII–XXIV on Sven as archdeacon of Lund).
	WEIBULL, L. 1928: “Tyre Danmarkar bot,” Scandia, 187–202.		*WAITZ, G. 1887: “Zur Kritik dänischer Geschichtsquellen: Der Text des Sueno Aggonis,” Neues Archiv 12 (first to argue for the primacy of the A-text: 13–17).
			*WEIBULL, L. 1928: “Tyre Danmarkar bot,” Scandia, 187–202.

	[[Category:Article]]		[[Category:Article]]

Hkllm at 13:30, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T13:30:13Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 13:30, 27 June 2012
Line 229:		Line 229:
	====Medieval reception and transmission====		====Medieval reception and transmission====
	HC’s reception may be inferred from the pains taken by Saxo to contradict some of its contentions: (Skjold as first ruler, the unbroken descent of kings, the importance of Ennignup, the un-danish origin of Lothbrok, the guile of Tyra etc.) and to embroider and expand others. Whoever virtually expunged Sven’s genealogical appendix to HC at some date not long after this (Genealogia regum Daniae) presumably intended to doctor a living rather than a forgotten text. But the inscription on the reverse of the lead plate in Valdemar I's grave at Ringsted, probably added soon after 1241, which GERTZ thought was influenced by HC ch. 18 (GERTZ 1917–1922, 76–81), is not so close to Sven’s wording as to rule out an intermediate or even common source; and there is no other evidence of Sven’s influence except in so far as he influenced Saxo. All allusions to, or excerpts from the text in the period 1500–1642 (by Svanning, Hegelund, Krag, and Venusin) have been shown by CHRISTENSEN 1978 to be derived from the same manuscript, the one copied inexpertly by Lyschander (not as GERTZ argued, while he was a student at Herrisvad in the 1570s, but after 1616) and now represented by AM 33 4°. CHRISTENSEN also established a strong case for attributing the 1642 edition of Sven’s Opuscula to a reworking of this same manuscript by STEPHANIUS himself (CHRISTENSEN 1978). This unique manuscript disappeared from the University library in Copenhagen not long after 1642; should anyone find it, and return it to the librarian, the problems raised by GERTZ’s reconstruction of this text will be solved. Until then, it will do.		HC’s reception may be inferred from the pains taken by Saxo to contradict some of its contentions: (Skjold as first ruler, the unbroken descent of kings, the importance of Ennignup, the un-danish origin of Lothbrok, the guile of Tyra etc.) and to embroider and expand others. Whoever virtually expunged Sven’s genealogical appendix to HC at some date not long after this (Genealogia regum Daniae) presumably intended to doctor a living rather than a forgotten text. But the inscription on the reverse of the lead plate in Valdemar I's grave at Ringsted, probably added soon after 1241, which GERTZ thought was influenced by HC ch. 18 (GERTZ 1917–1922, 76–81), is not so close to Sven’s wording as to rule out an intermediate or even common source; and there is no other evidence of Sven’s influence except in so far as he influenced Saxo. All allusions to, or excerpts from the text in the period 1500–1642 (by Svanning, Hegelund, Krag, and Venusin) have been shown by CHRISTENSEN 1978 to be derived from the same manuscript, the one copied inexpertly by Lyschander (not as GERTZ argued, while he was a student at Herrisvad in the 1570s, but after 1616) and now represented by AM 33 4°. CHRISTENSEN also established a strong case for attributing the 1642 edition of Sven’s Opuscula to a reworking of this same manuscript by STEPHANIUS himself (CHRISTENSEN 1978). This unique manuscript disappeared from the University library in Copenhagen not long after 1642; should anyone find it, and return it to the librarian, the problems raised by GERTZ’s reconstruction of this text will be solved. Until then, it will do.
	(3) Regum Genealogiae
	Only the preface survives, on the last page of AM 33 4°; GERTZ identified phrases from Sven’s HC in the “genealogy of the kings of Denmark by an uncertain author” (>Catalogi regum Danorum) which follows the abridgement of that preface in S.		===(3) Regum Genealogiae===
			Only the preface survives, on the last page of AM 33 4°; GERTZ identified phrases from Sven’s HC in the “genealogy of the kings of Denmark by an uncertain author” ([[Catalogi regum Danorum]]) which follows the abridgement of that preface in S.

	In the proem to LC, Sven promised “regum genealogias regnorumque successiones circa finem huius opusculi explicabo” (“I shall unravel the pedigrees of the kings and the order in which they reigned at the end of this little work”). In the proem to HC he announced that he had modified this plan, as he was undecided whether to record all the pedigrees and regnal successions of the kings in brief (sub compendio), or write nothing about any of them. Instead, he resolved to dwell on the more notable rulers in HC, and pay less attention to the rest. But at the end, in the passage beginning Priscorum gesta principum, he promised to elucidate (enodare) the names and sequence of all the kings. What followed could therefore have been a king list or a genealogy.		In the proem to LC, Sven promised “regum genealogias regnorumque successiones circa finem huius opusculi explicabo” (“I shall unravel the pedigrees of the kings and the order in which they reigned at the end of this little work”). In the proem to HC he announced that he had modified this plan, as he was undecided whether to record all the pedigrees and regnal successions of the kings in brief (sub compendio), or write nothing about any of them. Instead, he resolved to dwell on the more notable rulers in HC, and pay less attention to the rest. But at the end, in the passage beginning Priscorum gesta principum, he promised to elucidate (enodare) the names and sequence of all the kings. What followed could therefore have been a king list or a genealogy.

	The preface ends in A: “quali quisq: claruerit turpitudo q: singulorum gesta subperornent elegam,” which GERTZ rendered: “...quali quisque claruerit triumpho, et singulorum gesta stili perornent elegantia.” There is no corresponding passage in S, but the editor added a later genealogy of the kings, which differs significantly from that outlined in HC, and has been contaminated by Saxo throughout (GERTZ 1916, 112–14; GERTZ 1917–1922, 155–56, 186–95).		The preface ends in A: “quali quisq: claruerit turpitudo q: singulorum gesta subperornent elegam,” which GERTZ rendered: “...quali quisque claruerit triumpho, et singulorum gesta stili perornent elegantia.” There is no corresponding passage in S, but the editor added a later genealogy of the kings, which differs significantly from that outlined in HC, and has been contaminated by Saxo throughout (GERTZ 1916, 112–14; GERTZ 1917–1922, 155–56, 186–95).
	Summary of contents
			====Summary of contents====
	If Sven did compose a genealogy, it would have begun with Skjold and followed the fourteen generations down to Olaus, as in HC chs. 1–4. It would have ended with the fourteen generations from Ragnar Lothbrogh to Knud VI; and would have bridged the intervening gap for which Sven apologized in ch. 4. In view of the influence of Christ’s genealogy in Matth. 1,1–17 (“So all the generations from Abraham to David, are 14 generations: and from David until the carrying away into Babylon, are fourteen generations: and from the carrying away into Babylon unto Christ are fourteen generations”) it is probable that the middle section of Knud’s lineage also consisted of fourteen generations.		If Sven did compose a genealogy, it would have begun with Skjold and followed the fourteen generations down to Olaus, as in HC chs. 1–4. It would have ended with the fourteen generations from Ragnar Lothbrogh to Knud VI; and would have bridged the intervening gap for which Sven apologized in ch. 4. In view of the influence of Christ’s genealogy in Matth. 1,1–17 (“So all the generations from Abraham to David, are 14 generations: and from David until the carrying away into Babylon, are fourteen generations: and from the carrying away into Babylon unto Christ are fourteen generations”) it is probable that the middle section of Knud’s lineage also consisted of fourteen generations.
	Sources
			====Sources====
	Mainly the Historia Compendiosa, evidently, and whatever Icelandic Skjoldunga pedigree was used for that. The missing generations may have been supplied, or contrived, from names in the Roskilde Chronicle chs. 1–4 and the Catalogus Regum Danie (pre-1182) edited by GERTZ (1917–1922, 159–60).		Mainly the Historia Compendiosa, evidently, and whatever Icelandic Skjoldunga pedigree was used for that. The missing generations may have been supplied, or contrived, from names in the Roskilde Chronicle chs. 1–4 and the Catalogus Regum Danie (pre-1182) edited by GERTZ (1917–1922, 159–60).
	Purpose
			====Purpose====
	To trace a hereditary succession of kingship from a remote, but respectable pagan Stammvater to the reigning monarch, and so equate the Valdemarine dynasty with the ruling families of Norway and England, which claimed similar lineages. It is unlikely that this served any practical political purpose, since Knud VI based his sovreignty on (a) unction and royal ordination (b) descent from the martyr Knud Lavard (c) God’s grace; and was challenged only by men who could also claim the benefit of the long ancestry attributed to him by Sven. The genealogy commissioned by the king ca. 1194 and compiled by Abbot William made no use of Sven’s work, (pace GERTZ 1917–1922, 178–81; CHRISTENSEN 1978, 31–32), and there is reason to accept Sven’s own announcement in the proem that he added the genealogy to encourage his successors to write more eloquently about the kings named there, but not in HC.		To trace a hereditary succession of kingship from a remote, but respectable pagan Stammvater to the reigning monarch, and so equate the Valdemarine dynasty with the ruling families of Norway and England, which claimed similar lineages. It is unlikely that this served any practical political purpose, since Knud VI based his sovreignty on (a) unction and royal ordination (b) descent from the martyr Knud Lavard (c) God’s grace; and was challenged only by men who could also claim the benefit of the long ancestry attributed to him by Sven. The genealogy commissioned by the king ca. 1194 and compiled by Abbot William made no use of Sven’s work, (pace GERTZ 1917–1922, 178–81; CHRISTENSEN 1978, 31–32), and there is reason to accept Sven’s own announcement in the proem that he added the genealogy to encourage his successors to write more eloquently about the kings named there, but not in HC.
	Medieval reception and transmission
			====Medieval reception and transmission====
	So unfavourably was this genealogy received, that it has not been transmitted. The notion of an unbroken hereditary line of kings stretching from the beginning of Denmark to modern times was not rejected by Saxo, but virtually eluded Danish genealogists until the seventeenth century; see the examples in SM 1, 147–94, Series et Genealogiae (GERTZ 1917–1922). It was the Icelanders who had invented this notion, in the early twelfth century; they kept it alive in their pedigree collections, but without reference to Sven.		So unfavourably was this genealogy received, that it has not been transmitted. The notion of an unbroken hereditary line of kings stretching from the beginning of Denmark to modern times was not rejected by Saxo, but virtually eluded Danish genealogists until the seventeenth century; see the examples in SM 1, 147–94, Series et Genealogiae (GERTZ 1917–1922). It was the Icelanders who had invented this notion, in the early twelfth century; they kept it alive in their pedigree collections, but without reference to Sven.
	Bibliography
			===Bibliography===
	There is really no Sven bibliography, apart from GERTZ and CHRISTENSEN. Allusions to him and his work occur in much of the abundant Saxo-literature, and in almost every history of medieval Denmark; but the Saxo fan-club is not much concerned with Sven for his own sake, and in recent years he has been slotted recklessly into ideological pigeon-holes in order to support theories of Valdemarine kingship.		There is really no Sven bibliography, apart from GERTZ and CHRISTENSEN. Allusions to him and his work occur in much of the abundant Saxo-literature, and in almost every history of medieval Denmark; but the Saxo fan-club is not much concerned with Sven for his own sake, and in recent years he has been slotted recklessly into ideological pigeon-holes in order to support theories of Valdemarine kingship.
	ALBØGE, G. 1974: “Til Vederloven,” in Festskrift til Kristian Hald, Copenhagen, 293–318 (argues for the independence of the Danish texts of the Vederlov from Sven’s LC).		ALBØGE, G. 1974: “Til Vederloven,” in Festskrift til Kristian Hald, Copenhagen, 293–318 (argues for the independence of the Danish texts of the Vederlov from Sven’s LC).

Hkllm at 13:28, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T13:28:24Z

Show changes

Hkllm at 13:14, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T13:14:57Z

Hkllm at 13:09, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T13:09:31Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 13:09, 27 June 2012
Line 102:		Line 102:
	===(2) Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia===		===(2) Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia===
	The Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia (Short History of the Kings of Denmark) (= HC) is a brief sketch of the reigns of some of the more memorable kings from Skjold to Knud VI, concluding in 1185.		The Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia (Short History of the Kings of Denmark) (= HC) is a brief sketch of the reigns of some of the more memorable kings from Skjold to Knud VI, concluding in 1185.
	Title		=====Title=====
	None in manuscript A. “Compendiosa regum daniae historia” appears on the title-page of the 1642 edition, and could have been invented by STEPHANIUS. However, the preface describes the work as historia, written compendiose and sub compendio. It was referred to as plain “historia” by P. Hegelund in 1597, as “Gesta quorundam Regum Daniae” in 1602, and by Lyschander (before 1610) as “Regum Daniae seu Gesta Danorum, Epitomen a Schioldo ad Canutum VI” (CHRISTENSEN 1978, 37–64). LANGEBEK republished S in SRD 1 as titled in 1642, and WAITZ published extracts in MGH SS 29 (1892) as “Ex Suenoni Aggonis Gestis regum Danorum”. In GERTZ 1916 the first version of the X-text appears under:		None in manuscript A. “Compendiosa regum daniae historia” appears on the title-page of the 1642 edition, and could have been invented by STEPHANIUS. However, the preface describes the work as historia, written compendiose and sub compendio. It was referred to as plain “historia” by P. Hegelund in 1597, as “Gesta quorundam Regum Daniae” in 1602, and by Lyschander (before 1610) as “Regum Daniae seu Gesta Danorum, Epitomen a Schioldo ad Canutum VI” (CHRISTENSEN 1978, 37–64). LANGEBEK republished S in SRD 1 as titled in 1642, and WAITZ published extracts in MGH SS 29 (1892) as “Ex Suenoni Aggonis Gestis regum Danorum”. In GERTZ 1916 the first version of the X-text appears under:
	“Historia regum Dacie compendiosa”, but in GERTZ 1917–1922, both the S and the X texts are headed: “Brevis historia regvm Dacie” for no apparent reason. The question appears to be undecided, as none of these titles has manuscript authority.		“Historia regum Dacie compendiosa”, but in GERTZ 1917–1922, both the S and the X texts are headed: “Brevis historia regvm Dacie” for no apparent reason. The question appears to be undecided, as none of these titles has manuscript authority.
	Incipit		=====Incipit=====
	A: Caeterum in codicibus contemplatione ...		A: Caeterum in codicibus contemplatione ...
	S: Quum veterum in monumentis operosa contemplatione....		S: Quum veterum in monumentis operosa contemplatione....
	X: Cum veterum in codicibus contemplatione.....		X: Cum veterum in codicibus contemplatione.....
	Explicit		=====Explicit=====
	A and X: ... cuius finem cunctorum gubernator in sua pace disponat.		A and X: ... cuius finem cunctorum gubernator in sua pace disponat.
	S: ... cuius negotii finem cunctorum gubernator in pace sua disponat. EXPLICIUNT GESTA DANORUM.		S: ... cuius negotii finem cunctorum gubernator in pace sua disponat. EXPLICIUNT GESTA DANORUM.
	Size		=====Size=====
	X: 5330 words, approximately 63 pages in A.		X: 5330 words, approximately 63 pages in A.
	Editions
			====Editions====
	(1) of the S-text:		(1) of the S-text:
	STEPHANIUS 1642 (see Lex Castrensis, Editions)		*STEPHANIUS 1642 (see Lex Castrensis, Editions)
	LANGEBEK, J. 1769: SRD 1, 42–62 (reproduction with introduction and foot-notes. It reappears in GERTZ 1916 (see Lex Castrensis, Editions) as the fourth of four parallel columns, and on the right-hand pages of GERTZ 1917–1922, 94–141).		*LANGEBEK, J. 1769: SRD 1, 42–62 (reproduction with introduction and foot-notes. It reappears in GERTZ 1916 (see Lex Castrensis, Editions) as the fourth of four parallel columns, and on the right-hand pages of GERTZ 1917–1922, 94–141).
	(2) of the A-text:		(2) of the A-text:
	GERTZ 1916 (see above) published an accurate copy of AM 33 4° as the first of four parallel columns, and a reconstruction of the manuscript on which A was based as the second column.		*GERTZ 1916 (see above) published an accurate copy of AM 33 4° as the first of four parallel columns, and a reconstruction of the manuscript on which A was based as the second column.
	(3) of the X-text:		(3) of the X-text:
	• GERTZ 1916: third column, and GERTZ 1917–1922: left-hand page of 94–141. This was an imaginative reconstruction of the uncontracted text of the supposedly ca. 1400 MS which Lyschander or his scribe tried to copy.		*• GERTZ 1916: third column, and GERTZ 1917–1922: left-hand page of 94–141. This was an imaginative reconstruction of the uncontracted text of the supposedly ca. 1400 MS which Lyschander or his scribe tried to copy.
	Translations
			====Translations====
	(1) of the S-text:		(1) of the S-text:
	(Danish) LANGEBEK, J. [n.d.]: SVEN AAGESØN Christierns Svenson Den förste Historie-Skriver iblandt det Danske folk Hans Korte Historie om Danmarks Konger fra Skiold til Knud den 6te. Unpublished manuscript (Copenhagen, Royal Library, NKS 872 4°).		*(Danish) LANGEBEK, J. [n.d.]: SVEN AAGESØN Christierns Svenson Den förste Historie-Skriver iblandt det Danske folk Hans Korte Historie om Danmarks Konger fra Skiold til Knud den 6te. Unpublished manuscript (Copenhagen, Royal Library, NKS 872 4°).
	(Danish) WOLFF, O. 1807: Den förste Danske Historieskriver Svend Aagesens kortfattede Danmarks Historie, Copenhagen.		*(Danish) WOLFF, O. 1807: Den förste Danske Historieskriver Svend Aagesens kortfattede Danmarks Historie, Copenhagen.
	(Danish) FENGER, R.T. 1842: Svend Aagesens Danmarks Kröniker, oversat og oplyst, Copenhagen.		*(Danish) FENGER, R.T. 1842: Svend Aagesens Danmarks Kröniker, oversat og oplyst, Copenhagen.
	(Danish) OLRIK 1900–1901.		*(Danish) OLRIK 1900–1901.
	(2) of the X-text:		(2) of the X-text:
	(Danish) GERTZ 1916–1917.		*(Danish) GERTZ 1916–1917.
	(Danish) MÜLLER, P.L. 1944: Kortfattet Historie om Danmarks Konger, Copenhagen.		*(Danish) MÜLLER, P.L. 1944: Kortfattet Historie om Danmarks Konger, Copenhagen.
	(English) CHRISTIANSEN 1992 (with notes).		*(English) CHRISTIANSEN 1992 (with notes).
	Commentaries
	LANGEBEK 1769 adds explanatory notes, but the indispensable guide is the Kritisk Kommentar of GERTZ 1916, 115–84, on the relationship between A and S, on the grammar, syntax, and style, and on the evolution of X.		====Commentaries====
	Date and Place		*LANGEBEK 1769 adds explanatory notes, but the indispensable guide is the Kritisk Kommentar of GERTZ 1916, 115–84, on the relationship between A and S, on the grammar, syntax, and style, and on the evolution of X.

			====Date and Place====
	After the submission of Duke Bugislav (spring/summer 1185) and almost certainly before the accession of Valdemar II (1202), who is alluded to as a youth “elegantissime indolis” (“of the most outstanding talent”) rather than as ruler. CHRISTIANSEN 1992, 25–26, attempts to revive the argument for a closer dating, to ca. 1188, contra LUKMAN in BOSERUP 1975, 138. Place: probably Lund.		After the submission of Duke Bugislav (spring/summer 1185) and almost certainly before the accession of Valdemar II (1202), who is alluded to as a youth “elegantissime indolis” (“of the most outstanding talent”) rather than as ruler. CHRISTIANSEN 1992, 25–26, attempts to revive the argument for a closer dating, to ca. 1188, contra LUKMAN in BOSERUP 1975, 138. Place: probably Lund.
	Summary of contents
			====Summary of contents====
	In the proemium, Sven presents himself as a link between the forgotten achievements of past Danish kings and more studious future generations. He promises to relate only the more authentic achievements of these kings, in order to match the records of (classical antiquity) and inspire emulation. Later (ch. 4) he assigns the elaboration of his work to a “diligent successor”, and in ch. 10 reveals that Archbishop Absalon has told him of Saxo’s fuller treatment of King Sven II’s five sons.		In the proemium, Sven presents himself as a link between the forgotten achievements of past Danish kings and more studious future generations. He promises to relate only the more authentic achievements of these kings, in order to match the records of (classical antiquity) and inspire emulation. Later (ch. 4) he assigns the elaboration of his work to a “diligent successor”, and in ch. 10 reveals that Archbishop Absalon has told him of Saxo’s fuller treatment of King Sven II’s five sons.
	After summarily tracing the descent of the kingship from Skjold, “the shielder”, to Frode hin Frökni (ch. 1), he tells the story of King Wermund and his son Uffo, an apparently dumb and degenerate youth until the age of thirty, when he saved his country from German conquest by defeating two German champions in combat on the Eider river (chs. 2 and 3). After another sequence of royal successions (imperfectly recorded), he tells the tale of King Gorm and his wife Tyra, who uses her beauty and cunning to save the kingdom from the emperor Otto; having lured him into remitting tribute by the promise of an elopement, she uses the time and money gained to build the Danevirke, and then spurns the emperor with contempt (chs. 5–7). The conversion and expulsion of her son King Harald ensues; then the tale of Sven Forkbeard’s kidnapping by Palnatoki, and his ransoming by Danes of both sexes, so that women win a share in inheritances hence-forward (ch. 8). Harald was an apostate: Sven a true convert.		After summarily tracing the descent of the kingship from Skjold, “the shielder”, to Frode hin Frökni (ch. 1), he tells the story of King Wermund and his son Uffo, an apparently dumb and degenerate youth until the age of thirty, when he saved his country from German conquest by defeating two German champions in combat on the Eider river (chs. 2 and 3). After another sequence of royal successions (imperfectly recorded), he tells the tale of King Gorm and his wife Tyra, who uses her beauty and cunning to save the kingdom from the emperor Otto; having lured him into remitting tribute by the promise of an elopement, she uses the time and money gained to build the Danevirke, and then spurns the emperor with contempt (chs. 5–7). The conversion and expulsion of her son King Harald ensues; then the tale of Sven Forkbeard’s kidnapping by Palnatoki, and his ransoming by Danes of both sexes, so that women win a share in inheritances hence-forward (ch. 8). Harald was an apostate: Sven a true convert.

Hkllm at 09:52, 18 March 2012

2012-03-18T09:52:46Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 09:52, 18 March 2012
Line 4:		Line 4:

	==Biography==		==Biography==
	He claimed to have been an associate or colleague (contubernalis) of the more famous historian Saxo [[Saxo Grammaticus]] (Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia = HC ch. 10); to have witnessed the destruction of the fort of Wolin by Archbishop Absalon (ca. 1180: HC ch. 8); and to have been present when the Pomeranian Slavs surrendered to King Knud VI in 1185 (HC ch. 20). He knew Absalon, and admired the beauty of Valdemar I's wife, Queen Sophia, (HC ch. 19) whom he saw frequently, presumably before her husband’s death. His father Aggi had been active in the civil wars of 1131–1157, and may have died in battle; his uncle Eskil was Archbishop of Lund 1138–1178. He was therefore on familiar terms with the greater Danes, although by 1180 most of the significant members of his own family were dead, exiled, or disgraced.		He claimed to have been an associate or colleague (contubernalis) of the more famous historian Saxo ([[Saxo Grammaticus]]) (Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia = HC ch. 10); to have witnessed the destruction of the fort of Wolin by Archbishop Absalon (ca. 1180: HC ch. 8); and to have been present when the Pomeranian Slavs surrendered to King Knud VI in 1185 (HC ch. 20). He knew Absalon, and admired the beauty of Valdemar I's wife, Queen Sophia, (HC ch. 19) whom he saw frequently, presumably before her husband’s death. His father Aggi had been active in the civil wars of 1131–1157, and may have died in battle; his uncle Eskil was Archbishop of Lund 1138–1178. He was therefore on familiar terms with the greater Danes, although by 1180 most of the significant members of his own family were dead, exiled, or disgraced.

	Sven survived, apparently by serving the new Archbishop Absalon and the young Knud VI, but how, where, and when is unclear. Two possibilities have been aired; (1) that he was a layman, and a royal retainer, with a record of military service as well as a good education (STEENSTRUP 1896, 707; OLRIK 1900–1901, 26, 32; GERTZ 1916, 197; ARUP 1925, 253; SKYUM-NIELSEN 1971, 205, 14). This conclusion was drawn from his concern with the secular laws of the royal household, from his presence on campaigns against the Slavs, from his upholding of secular values, and from his lack of interest in church matters. (2) that he was a cleric, probably associated with the see of Lund, and the household of the archbishops, but present on military campaigns as a chaplain (LAGERBRING 1769, LANGEBEK 1774, MÜLLER 1830, VELSCHOW 1858, XVIII–XXIV; CHRISTENSEN 1978, 9–10; FRIIS JENSEN 1989). His learned style; his pious ejaculations; the lack of other lay Latinists in the North; his pro-Scanian bias; his connexion with Saxo and with Archbishop Absalon: these support the second hypothesis.		Sven survived, apparently by serving the new Archbishop Absalon and the young Knud VI, but how, where, and when is unclear. Two possibilities have been aired; (1) that he was a layman, and a royal retainer, with a record of military service as well as a good education (STEENSTRUP 1896, 707; OLRIK 1900–1901, 26, 32; GERTZ 1916, 197; ARUP 1925, 253; SKYUM-NIELSEN 1971, 205, 14). This conclusion was drawn from his concern with the secular laws of the royal household, from his presence on campaigns against the Slavs, from his upholding of secular values, and from his lack of interest in church matters. (2) that he was a cleric, probably associated with the see of Lund, and the household of the archbishops, but present on military campaigns as a chaplain (LAGERBRING 1769, LANGEBEK 1774, MÜLLER 1830, VELSCHOW 1858, XVIII–XXIV; CHRISTENSEN 1978, 9–10; FRIIS JENSEN 1989). His learned style; his pious ejaculations; the lack of other lay Latinists in the North; his pro-Scanian bias; his connexion with Saxo and with Archbishop Absalon: these support the second hypothesis.

Hkllm at 09:44, 18 March 2012

2012-03-18T09:44:18Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 09:44, 18 March 2012
Line 4:		Line 4:

	==Biography==		==Biography==
	He claimed to have been an associate or colleague (contubernalis) of the more famous historian [[Saxo Grammaticus]] (Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia = HC ch. 10); to have witnessed the destruction of the fort of Wolin by Archbishop Absalon (ca. 1180: HC ch. 8); and to have been present when the Pomeranian Slavs surrendered to King Knud VI in 1185 (HC ch. 20). He knew Absalon, and admired the beauty of Valdemar I's wife, Queen Sophia, (HC ch. 19) whom he saw frequently, presumably before her husband’s death. His father Aggi had been active in the civil wars of 1131–1157, and may have died in battle; his uncle Eskil was Archbishop of Lund 1138–1178. He was therefore on familiar terms with the greater Danes, although by 1180 most of the significant members of his own family were dead, exiled, or disgraced.		He claimed to have been an associate or colleague (contubernalis) of the more famous historian Saxo [[Saxo Grammaticus]] (Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia = HC ch. 10); to have witnessed the destruction of the fort of Wolin by Archbishop Absalon (ca. 1180: HC ch. 8); and to have been present when the Pomeranian Slavs surrendered to King Knud VI in 1185 (HC ch. 20). He knew Absalon, and admired the beauty of Valdemar I's wife, Queen Sophia, (HC ch. 19) whom he saw frequently, presumably before her husband’s death. His father Aggi had been active in the civil wars of 1131–1157, and may have died in battle; his uncle Eskil was Archbishop of Lund 1138–1178. He was therefore on familiar terms with the greater Danes, although by 1180 most of the significant members of his own family were dead, exiled, or disgraced.

	Sven survived, apparently by serving the new Archbishop Absalon and the young Knud VI, but how, where, and when is unclear. Two possibilities have been aired; (1) that he was a layman, and a royal retainer, with a record of military service as well as a good education (STEENSTRUP 1896, 707; OLRIK 1900–1901, 26, 32; GERTZ 1916, 197; ARUP 1925, 253; SKYUM-NIELSEN 1971, 205, 14). This conclusion was drawn from his concern with the secular laws of the royal household, from his presence on campaigns against the Slavs, from his upholding of secular values, and from his lack of interest in church matters. (2) that he was a cleric, probably associated with the see of Lund, and the household of the archbishops, but present on military campaigns as a chaplain (LAGERBRING 1769, LANGEBEK 1774, MÜLLER 1830, VELSCHOW 1858, XVIII–XXIV; CHRISTENSEN 1978, 9–10; FRIIS JENSEN 1989). His learned style; his pious ejaculations; the lack of other lay Latinists in the North; his pro-Scanian bias; his connexion with Saxo and with Archbishop Absalon: these support the second hypothesis.		Sven survived, apparently by serving the new Archbishop Absalon and the young Knud VI, but how, where, and when is unclear. Two possibilities have been aired; (1) that he was a layman, and a royal retainer, with a record of military service as well as a good education (STEENSTRUP 1896, 707; OLRIK 1900–1901, 26, 32; GERTZ 1916, 197; ARUP 1925, 253; SKYUM-NIELSEN 1971, 205, 14). This conclusion was drawn from his concern with the secular laws of the royal household, from his presence on campaigns against the Slavs, from his upholding of secular values, and from his lack of interest in church matters. (2) that he was a cleric, probably associated with the see of Lund, and the household of the archbishops, but present on military campaigns as a chaplain (LAGERBRING 1769, LANGEBEK 1774, MÜLLER 1830, VELSCHOW 1858, XVIII–XXIV; CHRISTENSEN 1978, 9–10; FRIIS JENSEN 1989). His learned style; his pious ejaculations; the lack of other lay Latinists in the North; his pro-Scanian bias; his connexion with Saxo and with Archbishop Absalon: these support the second hypothesis.

Hkllm at 09:43, 18 March 2012

2012-03-18T09:43:16Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 09:43, 18 March 2012
Line 4:		Line 4:

	==Biography==		==Biography==
	He claimed to have been an associate or colleague (contubernalis) of the more famous historian Saxo (Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia = HC ch. 10); to have witnessed the destruction of the fort of Wolin by Archbishop Absalon (ca. 1180: HC ch. 8); and to have been present when the Pomeranian Slavs surrendered to King Knud VI in 1185 (HC ch. 20). He knew Absalon, and admired the beauty of Valdemar I's wife, Queen Sophia, (HC ch. 19) whom he saw frequently, presumably before her husband’s death. His father Aggi had been active in the civil wars of 1131–1157, and may have died in battle; his uncle Eskil was Archbishop of Lund 1138–1178. He was therefore on familiar terms with the greater Danes, although by 1180 most of the significant members of his own family were dead, exiled, or disgraced.		He claimed to have been an associate or colleague (contubernalis) of the more famous historian [[Saxo Grammaticus]] (Compendiosa Regum Daniae Historia = HC ch. 10); to have witnessed the destruction of the fort of Wolin by Archbishop Absalon (ca. 1180: HC ch. 8); and to have been present when the Pomeranian Slavs surrendered to King Knud VI in 1185 (HC ch. 20). He knew Absalon, and admired the beauty of Valdemar I's wife, Queen Sophia, (HC ch. 19) whom he saw frequently, presumably before her husband’s death. His father Aggi had been active in the civil wars of 1131–1157, and may have died in battle; his uncle Eskil was Archbishop of Lund 1138–1178. He was therefore on familiar terms with the greater Danes, although by 1180 most of the significant members of his own family were dead, exiled, or disgraced.

	Sven survived, apparently by serving the new Archbishop Absalon and the young Knud VI, but how, where, and when is unclear. Two possibilities have been aired; (1) that he was a layman, and a royal retainer, with a record of military service as well as a good education (STEENSTRUP 1896, 707; OLRIK 1900–1901, 26, 32; GERTZ 1916, 197; ARUP 1925, 253; SKYUM-NIELSEN 1971, 205, 14). This conclusion was drawn from his concern with the secular laws of the royal household, from his presence on campaigns against the Slavs, from his upholding of secular values, and from his lack of interest in church matters. (2) that he was a cleric, probably associated with the see of Lund, and the household of the archbishops, but present on military campaigns as a chaplain (LAGERBRING 1769, LANGEBEK 1774, MÜLLER 1830, VELSCHOW 1858, XVIII–XXIV; CHRISTENSEN 1978, 9–10; FRIIS JENSEN 1989). His learned style; his pious ejaculations; the lack of other lay Latinists in the North; his pro-Scanian bias; his connexion with Saxo and with Archbishop Absalon: these support the second hypothesis.		Sven survived, apparently by serving the new Archbishop Absalon and the young Knud VI, but how, where, and when is unclear. Two possibilities have been aired; (1) that he was a layman, and a royal retainer, with a record of military service as well as a good education (STEENSTRUP 1896, 707; OLRIK 1900–1901, 26, 32; GERTZ 1916, 197; ARUP 1925, 253; SKYUM-NIELSEN 1971, 205, 14). This conclusion was drawn from his concern with the secular laws of the royal household, from his presence on campaigns against the Slavs, from his upholding of secular values, and from his lack of interest in church matters. (2) that he was a cleric, probably associated with the see of Lund, and the household of the archbishops, but present on military campaigns as a chaplain (LAGERBRING 1769, LANGEBEK 1774, MÜLLER 1830, VELSCHOW 1858, XVIII–XXIV; CHRISTENSEN 1978, 9–10; FRIIS JENSEN 1989). His learned style; his pious ejaculations; the lack of other lay Latinists in the North; his pro-Scanian bias; his connexion with Saxo and with Archbishop Absalon: these support the second hypothesis.

Hkllm at 09:42, 18 March 2012

2012-03-18T09:42:23Z

Show changes

← Older revision		Revision as of 13:14, 27 June 2012
Line 144:		Line 144:
	In the proemium, Sven presents himself as a link between the forgotten achievements of past Danish kings and more studious future generations. He promises to relate only the more authentic achievements of these kings, in order to match the records of (classical antiquity) and inspire emulation. Later (ch. 4) he assigns the elaboration of his work to a “diligent successor”, and in ch. 10 reveals that Archbishop Absalon has told him of Saxo’s fuller treatment of King Sven II’s five sons.		In the proemium, Sven presents himself as a link between the forgotten achievements of past Danish kings and more studious future generations. He promises to relate only the more authentic achievements of these kings, in order to match the records of (classical antiquity) and inspire emulation. Later (ch. 4) he assigns the elaboration of his work to a “diligent successor”, and in ch. 10 reveals that Archbishop Absalon has told him of Saxo’s fuller treatment of King Sven II’s five sons.
	After summarily tracing the descent of the kingship from Skjold, “the shielder”, to Frode hin Frökni (ch. 1), he tells the story of King Wermund and his son Uffo, an apparently dumb and degenerate youth until the age of thirty, when he saved his country from German conquest by defeating two German champions in combat on the Eider river (chs. 2 and 3). After another sequence of royal successions (imperfectly recorded), he tells the tale of King Gorm and his wife Tyra, who uses her beauty and cunning to save the kingdom from the emperor Otto; having lured him into remitting tribute by the promise of an elopement, she uses the time and money gained to build the Danevirke, and then spurns the emperor with contempt (chs. 5–7). The conversion and expulsion of her son King Harald ensues; then the tale of Sven Forkbeard’s kidnapping by Palnatoki, and his ransoming by Danes of both sexes, so that women win a share in inheritances hence-forward (ch. 8). Harald was an apostate: Sven a true convert.		After summarily tracing the descent of the kingship from Skjold, “the shielder”, to Frode hin Frökni (ch. 1), he tells the story of King Wermund and his son Uffo, an apparently dumb and degenerate youth until the age of thirty, when he saved his country from German conquest by defeating two German champions in combat on the Eider river (chs. 2 and 3). After another sequence of royal successions (imperfectly recorded), he tells the tale of King Gorm and his wife Tyra, who uses her beauty and cunning to save the kingdom from the emperor Otto; having lured him into remitting tribute by the promise of an elopement, she uses the time and money gained to build the Danevirke, and then spurns the emperor with contempt (chs. 5–7). The conversion and expulsion of her son King Harald ensues; then the tale of Sven Forkbeard’s kidnapping by Palnatoki, and his ransoming by Danes of both sexes, so that women win a share in inheritances hence-forward (ch. 8). Harald was an apostate: Sven a true convert.

	There is then a eulogy of the reign of Old Knud, already celebrated in LC, both as conqueror of Rome, baptizer of the North, and founder of the sees of Roskilde and Schleswig (ch. 9). A quick résumé of the succession of Sven II (“Father of Kings”) and of his son Harald (who granted laws to the Danes at his inauguration at Isøre) is followed by a brisk defence of the martyr-king Knud IV; no tyrant, but the victim of conspiracy, dereliction of military duty, and the barbarous insubordination especially of the Vendelboer (ch.11). He then moves by way of brief notes on the reigns of Olavus Famelicus, Ericus Bonus, and Nicolaus Grandaevus (ch. 12) to the martyrdom of Knud (of Ringsted), “an Israelite indeed”, betrayed by the jealousy of his tall cousin Magnus, murdered, and hallowed by subsequent miracles (ch. 13).		There is then a eulogy of the reign of Old Knud, already celebrated in LC, both as conqueror of Rome, baptizer of the North, and founder of the sees of Roskilde and Schleswig (ch. 9). A quick résumé of the succession of Sven II (“Father of Kings”) and of his son Harald (who granted laws to the Danes at his inauguration at Isøre) is followed by a brisk defence of the martyr-king Knud IV; no tyrant, but the victim of conspiracy, dereliction of military duty, and the barbarous insubordination especially of the Vendelboer (ch.11). He then moves by way of brief notes on the reigns of Olavus Famelicus, Ericus Bonus, and Nicolaus Grandaevus (ch. 12) to the martyrdom of Knud (of Ringsted), “an Israelite indeed”, betrayed by the jealousy of his tall cousin Magnus, murdered, and hallowed by subsequent miracles (ch. 13).

	The ensuing civil wars are recounted in terms of the avenging of Knud at Rønbjerg, Onsild and Fotavik, through the valour of Sven’s grandfather Christiern, father Aggi, and the plebs of Scania. After Magnus’s death in battle, King Niels is killed at Schleswig by the treacherous burghers (ch. 14); and the avenging Erik Emune loses God’s approval after murdering his own brother and nephews, and dies by Plog’s spear at the Urneting (ch. 15). After an interlude of peace under the gentle Erik “the Lamb”, war recurs between rival kings, Knud Magnusen and Sven Eriksen, and the martyr’s son Valdemar Knudsen aids each in turn. A tripartition of the realm is annulled by Sven’s murder of his guest Knud at Roskilde: another martyr. Valdemar escapes, wounded, to Jutland, and avenges Knud by defeating and killing Sven, who falls “by the hand of a peasant” (chs. 16 and 17).		The ensuing civil wars are recounted in terms of the avenging of Knud at Rønbjerg, Onsild and Fotavik, through the valour of Sven’s grandfather Christiern, father Aggi, and the plebs of Scania. After Magnus’s death in battle, King Niels is killed at Schleswig by the treacherous burghers (ch. 14); and the avenging Erik Emune loses God’s approval after murdering his own brother and nephews, and dies by Plog’s spear at the Urneting (ch. 15). After an interlude of peace under the gentle Erik “the Lamb”, war recurs between rival kings, Knud Magnusen and Sven Eriksen, and the martyr’s son Valdemar Knudsen aids each in turn. A tripartition of the realm is annulled by Sven’s murder of his guest Knud at Roskilde: another martyr. Valdemar escapes, wounded, to Jutland, and avenges Knud by defeating and killing Sven, who falls “by the hand of a peasant” (chs. 16 and 17).

	A eulogy of Valdemar notes his reconquest of the seas from the fierce Slavs, and lists his three greatest exploits: the brick tower on Sprogø, the reconstruction of the Danevirke in brick, and the conversion of the Rugians to Christianity. His personal merits are qualified in the S-version by an admission of his harshness towards his own family, or people (chs. 17 and 18); but reinforced by the loveliness of Queen Sophia, and by his repute abroad (ch. 19). His son and “hereditary” successor Knud (VI) is then praised for his subjugation of the Pomeranian Slavs, although the ceremony of Duke Bugislav’s submission is almost spoilt by the Devil’s sending a sudden squall to swamp the boat carrying the Slav duke and bishop, and Knud’s heir, his brother Valdemar, a brilliant youth. Sven concludes with a prayer for peace.		A eulogy of Valdemar notes his reconquest of the seas from the fierce Slavs, and lists his three greatest exploits: the brick tower on Sprogø, the reconstruction of the Danevirke in brick, and the conversion of the Rugians to Christianity. His personal merits are qualified in the S-version by an admission of his harshness towards his own family, or people (chs. 17 and 18); but reinforced by the loveliness of Queen Sophia, and by his repute abroad (ch. 19). His son and “hereditary” successor Knud (VI) is then praised for his subjugation of the Pomeranian Slavs, although the ceremony of Duke Bugislav’s submission is almost spoilt by the Devil’s sending a sudden squall to swamp the boat carrying the Slav duke and bishop, and Knud’s heir, his brother Valdemar, a brilliant youth. Sven concludes with a prayer for peace.
	Composition and style
			====Composition and style====
	In A, the history continues from LC with a prologue justifying the author’s intentions. This is followed by ten untitled but distinct chapter-divisions, which are reproduced in S with headings not by Sven. The final break is delayed in S, to the accession of Knud VI, which brings the eulogy of his mother back to ch. 9. GERTZ discarded this capitulation, and imposed both on X on S what he considered a more appropriate 20 chapter division (GERTZ 1917–1922, 63). In both versions the explicit is followed by the preface to the Lost Genealogy of the kings.		In A, the history continues from LC with a prologue justifying the author’s intentions. This is followed by ten untitled but distinct chapter-divisions, which are reproduced in S with headings not by Sven. The final break is delayed in S, to the accession of Knud VI, which brings the eulogy of his mother back to ch. 9. GERTZ discarded this capitulation, and imposed both on X on S what he considered a more appropriate 20 chapter division (GERTZ 1917–1922, 63). In both versions the explicit is followed by the preface to the Lost Genealogy of the kings.

	The material is shaped both by duplication and by triplication:		The material is shaped both by duplication and by triplication:

	(1) Before the Conversion: (chs. 1–7)		(1) Before the Conversion: (chs. 1–7)
	(a) three extended anecdotes of kings threatened by external dangers: Vermund, Gorm, and Sven Forkbeard:		(a) three extended anecdotes of kings threatened by external dangers: Vermund, Gorm, and Sven Forkbeard:
	(b) rescued in turn by a three-man combat (Uffi), a three-year deception (Tyra), a triple body-weight ransom (Sven).		(b) rescued in turn by a three-man combat (Uffi), a three-year deception (Tyra), a triple body-weight ransom (Sven).
	(c) an encomium of the 3 + 3 + 3 conquests of Old Knud, ruler of three kingdoms.		(c) an encomium of the 3 + 3 + 3 conquests of Old Knud, ruler of three kingdoms.

	(2) After the Conversion: (chs. 8–19)		(2) After the Conversion: (chs. 8–19)
	(a) three narratives of martyrdom by Danes of their kings: Knud of Odense, Knud of Ringsted, Knud of Roskilde;		(a) three narratives of martyrdom by Danes of their kings: Knud of Odense, Knud of Ringsted, Knud of Roskilde;
	(b) associated with a three-mark fine (Knud IV), a three-battle war (Knud Lavard), a tripartition of Denmark (Knud V).		(b) associated with a three-mark fine (Knud IV), a three-battle war (Knud Lavard), a tripartition of Denmark (Knud V).
	(c) an encomium of the three achievements of Valdemar I		(c) an encomium of the three achievements of Valdemar I

	(3) conclusion: (chs. 19–20) extolling queen Sophia and her son Knud VI, conqueror of Pomerania.		(3) conclusion: (chs. 19–20) extolling queen Sophia and her son Knud VI, conqueror of Pomerania.

	(The symmetry is clearer in the ten chapter-divisions of A than in GERTZ’s arrangement). Other individual duplications: Uffi and Knud VI; Tyra and Queen Sophia; Old Knud and Valdemar I.		(The symmetry is clearer in the ten chapter-divisions of A than in GERTZ’s arrangement). Other individual duplications: Uffi and Knud VI; Tyra and Queen Sophia; Old Knud and Valdemar I.

	The proemium, although brief, is so obedient to rhetorical convention that it may be itemized as a sequence of topoi used extensively by post-classical historians:		The proemium, although brief, is so obedient to rhetorical convention that it may be itemized as a sequence of topoi used extensively by post-classical historians:
	(1) ancient records preserve others’ glory; (2) native fame forgotten; (3) world grows old; (4) critics will be hostile; (5) apology for poor style; (6) author’s hesitation; (7) duty to posterity; (8) elegant citation: Martianus Capella here; (9) oral tradition from the aged: (10) selection of the less fabulous matter; (11) humanity not equally susceptible to stimuli; (12) deeds justify nobility. Eight of these appear in >Historia De Profectione Danorum, GERTZ 1917–1922, 457–60; SIMON 1958–1959 analyses other similar examples, which serve to associate author and reader with a learned tradition.		(1) ancient records preserve others’ glory; (2) native fame forgotten; (3) world grows old; (4) critics will be hostile; (5) apology for poor style; (6) author’s hesitation; (7) duty to posterity; (8) elegant citation: Martianus Capella here; (9) oral tradition from the aged: (10) selection of the less fabulous matter; (11) humanity not equally susceptible to stimuli; (12) deeds justify nobility. Eight of these appear in >Historia De Profectione Danorum, GERTZ 1917–1922, 457–60; SIMON 1958–1959 analyses other similar examples, which serve to associate author and reader with a learned tradition.

	Sven’s professions of literary incompetence place him within that tradition, rather than outside it. Compared with Saxo or Anders Sunesen he may seem unpolished, and whoever revised his work for publication in 1642 chose to alter almost every sentence (GERTZ 1916, 185–92 for details); but this was only to purge the text of normal twelfth-century medieval usages, e.g. by removing “nominative absolutes” and detached ablative absolutes, by putting ergo for igitur, vero for autem, by correcting in with the nominative, by changing emphatic comparatives into superlatives or positives, by rationalizing the use of past tenses, and by imposing stricter rules for tenses and word-order. GERTZ himself was not immune to the pedantic temptation when he composed the X text; nevertheless, he reconstituted the language of a highly-individual and mannered stylist.		Sven’s professions of literary incompetence place him within that tradition, rather than outside it. Compared with Saxo or Anders Sunesen he may seem unpolished, and whoever revised his work for publication in 1642 chose to alter almost every sentence (GERTZ 1916, 185–92 for details); but this was only to purge the text of normal twelfth-century medieval usages, e.g. by removing “nominative absolutes” and detached ablative absolutes, by putting ergo for igitur, vero for autem, by correcting in with the nominative, by changing emphatic comparatives into superlatives or positives, by rationalizing the use of past tenses, and by imposing stricter rules for tenses and word-order. GERTZ himself was not immune to the pedantic temptation when he composed the X text; nevertheless, he reconstituted the language of a highly-individual and mannered stylist.
	It is heavily substantival. 35–45% of all words used are nouns, many of them abstract; thus in LC 14 astucia, prevaricatio, damnatio, and sollicitudo crowd each other in one sentence, and this percentage is maintained by a fondness for pleonasm: vetustatis antiquitate, constanti firmitate, amminiculo opitulationis, clamoris vociferationem, virtutis probitate. By simple coupling: pax tranquillitatis, minarum ampullositatibus and by listing: caballo, runcino, palefrido, dextrario (LC 72.10), in fiolis, cytharis, choris et tympanis (HC 114.21).		It is heavily substantival. 35–45% of all words used are nouns, many of them abstract; thus in LC 14 astucia, prevaricatio, damnatio, and sollicitudo crowd each other in one sentence, and this percentage is maintained by a fondness for pleonasm: vetustatis antiquitate, constanti firmitate, amminiculo opitulationis, clamoris vociferationem, virtutis probitate. By simple coupling: pax tranquillitatis, minarum ampullositatibus and by listing: caballo, runcino, palefrido, dextrario (LC 72.10), in fiolis, cytharis, choris et tympanis (HC 114.21).