Johannes Hildebrandi - Revision history

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			[This article has been updated/rewritten in 2025 to incorporate current research. Please adjust citation accordingly.]


	by Peter Ståhl		by Peter Ståhl

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	by Peter Ståhl		by Peter Ståhl

	'''Johannes Hildebrandi''', in Swedish also known as Hans Hildebrandsson, died 26 April 1454, the year of his birth being unknown. Canon of Linköping Cathedral from 1406 to 1415. From 6 May 1415 until his death he was a brother of Vadstena Abbey in the Swedish province of Östergötland. The name of Johannes Hildebrandi is mainly connected with the manuscript C 6 at the Uppsala University Library, which contains a large collection of letters and other documents originating from the second half of the fourteenth century and the first half of the fifteenth century. Thanks to C 6, Johannes may be regarded as one of the principal representatives of the epistolary genre and the ars dictandi in the Nordic Middle Ages. Furthermore, C 6 is a source of great importance concerning life and culture in the Swedish diocese of Linköping and Vadstena Abbey in particular, and in Sweden and other countries in general, especially from the period ca. 1400-1440 (see Work).		'''Johannes Hildebrandi''', in Swedish also known as Hans Hildebrandsson, died 26 April 1454, the year of his birth being unknown. Canon of Linköping Cathedral from 1406 to 1415. From 6 May 1415 until his death he was a brother of Vadstena Abbey in the Swedish province of Östergötland. The name of Johannes Hildebrandi is mainly connected with the manuscript C 6 at the Uppsala University Library, which contains a large collection of letters and other documents originating from the second half of the fourteenth century and the first half of the fifteenth century. Thanks to C 6, Johannes may be regarded as one of the principal representatives of the epistolary genre and the ''ars dictandi'' in the Nordic Middle Ages. Furthermore, C 6 is a source of great importance concerning life and culture in the Swedish diocese of Linköping and Vadstena Abbey in particular, and in Sweden and other countries in general, especially from the period ca. 1400-1440 (see Work).


	==Biography==		==Biography==

	Information about the life of Johannes Hildebrandi is found in several documents in C 6, and, to some extent, in the manuscripts C 3, C 74, and C 89 (the so-called >Diarium Vadstenense), which are all preserved at the Uppsala University Library. We do not know in what year Johannes was born, but it is reasonable to believe that it was around 1380. He was the son of Hildebrand Cruse, citizen of the Swedish town of Söderköping, and his wife Elisabeth. Around 1400 he was occupied with academic studies at the University of Prague, where he probably studied canon law. This study would also be in accordance with his extraordinary interest in ars dictandi (see Composition and style).		Information about the life of Johannes Hildebrandi is found in several documents in C 6, and, to some extent, in the manuscripts C 3, C 74, and C 89 (the so-called [[Diarium Vadstenense]]), which are all preserved at the Uppsala University Library. We do not know in what year Johannes was born, but it is reasonable to believe that it was around 1380. He was the son of Hildebrand Cruse, citizen of the Swedish town of Söderköping, and his wife Elisabeth. Around 1400 he was occupied with academic studies at the University of Prague, where he probably studied canon law. This study would also be in accordance with his extraordinary interest in ars dictandi (see Composition and style).

	In March 1403 he is mentioned in a document as clericus Lincopensis dyocesis publicus imperiali auctoritate notarius (C 6, fol. 48r, ed. SD no. 291; the edition refers to the medieval pagination fol. 44). It has been suggested (SCHÜCK 1959, 445) that at this time he was acting as notarius at the chapter of Linköping (though the more official office of notarius did not yet exist at the chapter), or possibly as chancellor to Bishop Knut Bosson (Natt och Dag). In 1406 Johannes is referred to as canon of Linköping Cathedral (C 6, fol. 10r, ed. SD no. 766), a position he held until he officially entered Vadstena Abbey and the Order of St Birgitta. The year before this event, i.e. 1414, he spent some months in Paris, presumably for the purpose of further study. During his stay in Paris he was manager of the House of Linköping, an institution for the benefit of students from the Linköping diocese in Sweden pursuing studies at the University of Paris. (About student letters from Paris preserved in C 6 see Work, Summary of contents.)		In March 1403 he is mentioned in a document as clericus Lincopensis dyocesis publicus imperiali auctoritate notarius (C 6, fol. 48r, ed. SD no. 291; the edition refers to the medieval pagination fol. 44). It has been suggested (SCHÜCK 1959, 445) that at this time he was acting as notarius at the chapter of Linköping (though the more official office of notarius did not yet exist at the chapter), or possibly as chancellor to Bishop Knut Bosson (Natt och Dag). In 1406 Johannes is referred to as canon of Linköping Cathedral (C 6, fol. 10r, ed. SD no. 766), a position he held until he officially entered Vadstena Abbey and the Order of St Birgitta. The year before this event, i.e. 1414, he spent some months in Paris, presumably for the purpose of further study. During his stay in Paris he was manager of the House of Linköping, an institution for the benefit of students from the Linköping diocese in Sweden pursuing studies at the University of Paris. (About student letters from Paris preserved in C 6 see Work, Summary of contents.)

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Bibliography

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Purpose and audience

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	=====Purpose and audience=====		=====Purpose and audience=====
	The purpose of medieval formularies has been discussed above (see Composition and style). We have to assume that Johannes had already started to transcribe the letters etc. as a student in Prague. Having returned to Sweden and Linköping, he continued to collect documents which he thought could be useful as models for other letter-writing in his future career. (About the use of the manuscript in Vadstena Abbey see Medieval reception and transmission).		The purpose of medieval formularies has been discussed above (see Composition and style). We have to assume that Johannes had already started to transcribe the letters etc. as a student in Prague. Having returned to Sweden and Linköping, he continued to collect documents which he thought could be useful as models for other letter-writing in his future career. (About the use of the manuscript in Vadstena Abbey see Medieval reception and transmission).
	Medieval reception and transmission
			=====Medieval reception and transmission=====
	The codex was probably the private property of Johannes Hildebrandi as long as he lived. This means that the book followed its owner when Johannes became a brother at Vadstena Abbey. It is not possible to decide at what point of time the book became a part of the regular collection of books at the library of Vadstena Abbey. Most likely this did not happen until after Johannes’s death. However, we cannot overlook the possibility that the manuscript was used as a formulary by other brothers in the monastery during his lifetime.		The codex was probably the private property of Johannes Hildebrandi as long as he lived. This means that the book followed its owner when Johannes became a brother at Vadstena Abbey. It is not possible to decide at what point of time the book became a part of the regular collection of books at the library of Vadstena Abbey. Most likely this did not happen until after Johannes’s death. However, we cannot overlook the possibility that the manuscript was used as a formulary by other brothers in the monastery during his lifetime.
	There are several indications showing that the book was used a long time after the death of Johannes. Headings and other kinds of notes have been added in the margins by various scribes (see STÅHL 1998, 40-47). At the end of the codex there are a couple of forms transcribed from as late as the beginning of the sixteenth century.		There are several indications showing that the book was used a long time after the death of Johannes. Headings and other kinds of notes have been added in the margins by various scribes (see STÅHL 1998, 40-47). At the end of the codex there are a couple of forms transcribed from as late as the beginning of the sixteenth century.

Hkllm: /* Composition and style */

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Composition and style

Hkllm: /* Summary of contents */

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Summary of contents

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	Not all these parts are always included in every document; there is a certain difference in this respect between the official acts and the more or less private letters. The latter category tends to follow a more simple division with salutatio, captatio benevolentiae, narratio, petitio and conclusio. Since there are documents of both private and more official characteristic in C 6, we find letters from both types of division.		Not all these parts are always included in every document; there is a certain difference in this respect between the official acts and the more or less private letters. The latter category tends to follow a more simple division with salutatio, captatio benevolentiae, narratio, petitio and conclusio. Since there are documents of both private and more official characteristic in C 6, we find letters from both types of division.
	The greatest attention was paid to the salutation-formula. In the letters collected by Johannes the salutation usually consists of a phrase in the ablative, sometimes abounding in rhetoric extravagance, e.g. Spiritu consolacionis anxietati mentis vestre ex cordis mei penetralibus intimis preoptato (C 6, fol. 7r; ed. STÅHL 1998, 92, no. 51). Typical of forms is the omission of proper names, dates, etc. In lieu of a proper name the editor of the formulary could simply write the initial or the letter N.(= nomen).		The greatest attention was paid to the salutation-formula. In the letters collected by Johannes the salutation usually consists of a phrase in the ablative, sometimes abounding in rhetoric extravagance, e.g. Spiritu consolacionis anxietati mentis vestre ex cordis mei penetralibus intimis preoptato (C 6, fol. 7r; ed. STÅHL 1998, 92, no. 51). Typical of forms is the omission of proper names, dates, etc. In lieu of a proper name the editor of the formulary could simply write the initial or the letter N.(= nomen).
	It is not easy to distinguish the letters written by Johannes himself from the letters originally produced by others. Since the syntax and style of Latin letters, especially after ca. 1200, had congealed into uniformity as a result of the study of ars dictandi, any particular originality where the language is concerned is not to be expected. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that the medieval letter collections do not attract our interest mainly because of their style, but rather because of the contents and the facts they reveal to posterity. However, in order to illustrate the style of Johannes and thus very representative of the epistolary genre of the time, a passage from C 6 fol. 5v may be quoted. The letter, which dates from the year 1418, is written by Johannes to a brother residing at the newly founded Bridgettine monastery of Mariental (Vallis Mariae) near Reval. Parts of abbreviated names not written in the manuscript are underlined:		It is not easy to distinguish the letters written by Johannes himself from the letters originally produced by others. Since the syntax and style of Latin letters, especially after ca. 1200, had congealed into uniformity as a result of the study of ars dictandi, any particular originality where the language is concerned is not to be expected. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that the medieval letter collections do not attract our interest mainly because of their style, but rather because of the contents and the facts they reveal to posterity.
			However, in order to illustrate the style of Johannes and thus very representative of the epistolary genre of the time, a passage from C 6 fol. 5v may be quoted. The letter, which dates from the year 1418, is written by Johannes to a brother residing at the newly founded Bridgettine monastery of Mariental (Vallis Mariae) near Reval. Parts of abbreviated names not written in the manuscript are underlined:
	Humili mei recommendacione in Virginis Filio prelibata. Pro innumeris beneficiis vestris ac caritatis indiciis, quibus me indignum respicere dignamini, grates refero multiformes ac specialiter pro fratre meo domino Gerlaco Crusa, confratre et conventuali vestro. Quem una cum socio suo I... inveni ante me Sudercopie die sanctorum Felicis et Aduacti, quos adduxi ad fratres in Wastenis crastino beati Egidii, ubi audito eorum adventu facta est in Domino communis exultacio, et regratiabantur vobis coram utroque conventu pro eo, quod laudabiliter et honeste vos erga eos habuistis. Et utinam non obstarent improbitates et rebelliones quorundam civitatensium Revaliensium ac aliorum de cruciferis! Esset summe necessarium, quod ad tempus staretis cum illis noviciis pro ampliori eorum informacione, et hoc totis nisibus affectarem. [...] (C 6, fol. 5v; ed. STÅHL 1998, 87, no. 39:1-4). (With humble recommendation of myself sent before in the Son of the Virgin. On account of the innumerable benefits and manifestations of charity, by which you have deigned to take care of me, though unworthy, I give you many thanks and especially on behalf of my brother Gerlacus Cruse, your fellow-brother. I found him and his fellow I. before me in Söderköping on the day of St. Felix and St. Adauctus (30 August), and I escorted them to the brothers in Vadstena on the day after St. Giles’s day (2 September). When their arrival was heard about, there was a common exultation in the Lord and they thanked you in front of both convents because of your laudable and honorable behaviour to them. Alas, if only the depravities and rebellions of some of the citizens of Reval and others of the Teutonic Order were not being obstructive! It would be most necessary for you to stay, for the time being, with the novices for their further instruction. This I would strive for with all my strength.)		Humili mei recommendacione in Virginis Filio prelibata. Pro innumeris beneficiis vestris ac caritatis indiciis, quibus me indignum respicere dignamini, grates refero multiformes ac specialiter pro fratre meo domino Gerlaco Crusa, confratre et conventuali vestro. Quem una cum socio suo I... inveni ante me Sudercopie die sanctorum Felicis et Aduacti, quos adduxi ad fratres in Wastenis crastino beati Egidii, ubi audito eorum adventu facta est in Domino communis exultacio, et regratiabantur vobis coram utroque conventu pro eo, quod laudabiliter et honeste vos erga eos habuistis. Et utinam non obstarent improbitates et rebelliones quorundam civitatensium Revaliensium ac aliorum de cruciferis! Esset summe necessarium, quod ad tempus staretis cum illis noviciis pro ampliori eorum informacione, et hoc totis nisibus affectarem. [...] (C 6, fol. 5v; ed. STÅHL 1998, 87, no. 39:1-4). (With humble recommendation of myself sent before in the Son of the Virgin. On account of the innumerable benefits and manifestations of charity, by which you have deigned to take care of me, though unworthy, I give you many thanks and especially on behalf of my brother Gerlacus Cruse, your fellow-brother. I found him and his fellow I. before me in Söderköping on the day of St. Felix and St. Adauctus (30 August), and I escorted them to the brothers in Vadstena on the day after St. Giles’s day (2 September). When their arrival was heard about, there was a common exultation in the Lord and they thanked you in front of both convents because of your laudable and honorable behaviour to them. Alas, if only the depravities and rebellions of some of the citizens of Reval and others of the Teutonic Order were not being obstructive! It would be most necessary for you to stay, for the time being, with the novices for their further instruction. This I would strive for with all my strength.)
	Purpose and audience		Purpose and audience

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	It is worthy of note that the oldest evidence of the use of spectacles in Sweden, and probably in Scandinavia as a whole, is found in C 6. When returning from Paris in 1414, Johannes bought a collection of lenses, probably in Bruges. After his arrival in Sweden, he obviously presented the bishop of Linköping, Knut Bosson, with a pair of spectacles. In a letter to the bishop Johannes ends with the following passage:		It is worthy of note that the oldest evidence of the use of spectacles in Sweden, and probably in Scandinavia as a whole, is found in C 6. When returning from Paris in 1414, Johannes bought a collection of lenses, probably in Bruges. After his arrival in Sweden, he obviously presented the bishop of Linköping, Knut Bosson, with a pair of spectacles. In a letter to the bishop Johannes ends with the following passage:
	Item oculares vestros vitreos, quos vobis dedi, cum sint confracti michi transmittere, si placuerit paternitati vestre, alios integros remittere non omittam [...] (C 6, fol. 66v; ed. STÅHL forthc.). (Furthermore, if it would please you, father, to return the spectacles which I gave you, since they are damaged, I will certainly send you another undamaged pair.)		Item oculares vestros vitreos, quos vobis dedi, cum sint confracti michi transmittere, si placuerit paternitati vestre, alios integros remittere non omittam [...] (C 6, fol. 66v; ed. STÅHL forthc.). (Furthermore, if it would please you, father, to return the spectacles which I gave you, since they are damaged, I will certainly send you another undamaged pair.)
	Composition and style
			=====Composition and style=====
	The medieval formularies and collections of letters must be considered in the light of ars dictandi, a highly extensive genre in the Middle Ages. The knowledge of epistolary art was essential to everyone who wanted to make a career, particularly in the Church. Instruction in the composition of letters and official acts was given in the schools and chancelleries by the so-called dictatores. In a strictly hierarchic society, like that in the Middle Ages, it was extremely important to address a person in the correct manner. This is the reason for collecting letters and making up form letters, as models for future letter-writing. (About medieval formularies in general, see, for example, ROCKINGER 1863-1864, STÅHL 1998, 25-30 with further references; KLNM 3, 69-71.)		The medieval formularies and collections of letters must be considered in the light of ars dictandi, a highly extensive genre in the Middle Ages. The knowledge of epistolary art was essential to everyone who wanted to make a career, particularly in the Church. Instruction in the composition of letters and official acts was given in the schools and chancelleries by the so-called dictatores. In a strictly hierarchic society, like that in the Middle Ages, it was extremely important to address a person in the correct manner. This is the reason for collecting letters and making up form letters, as models for future letter-writing. (About medieval formularies in general, see, for example, ROCKINGER 1863-1864, STÅHL 1998, 25-30 with further references; KLNM 3, 69-71.)
	The specific parts of an official act were the following:		The specific parts of an official act were the following:

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	The form letters are transcribed from documents of both private and official nature. Most of the original documents are lost, i.e. the forms are all that have survived until the present day. The documents reflect to a high degree the life of the editor himself, and it is quite possible to consider the whole collection as a “curriculum vitae” of Johannes Hildebrandi.		The form letters are transcribed from documents of both private and official nature. Most of the original documents are lost, i.e. the forms are all that have survived until the present day. The documents reflect to a high degree the life of the editor himself, and it is quite possible to consider the whole collection as a “curriculum vitae” of Johannes Hildebrandi.

	=====~~letters~~ connected with the chapter or with the bishop of Linköping=====		=====Letters connected with the chapter or with the bishop of Linköping=====
	At the beginning of the codex most forms are extracted from letters connected with the chapter or with the bishop of Linköping. These documents originate in most cases from the years 1403-1415, when Johannes held a position at the chapter. However, some of the transcribed letters date from the fourteenth century, since Johannes could easily find a huge amount of older documents in the chapter archives or at the episcopal chancery. The subjects in this kind of form are, for instance, the collection and payment of tithes, especially the tithe belonging to the canons at the cathedral (decimae canonicales), and the payment of rent by the tenant farmers.		At the beginning of the codex most forms are extracted from letters connected with the chapter or with the bishop of Linköping. These documents originate in most cases from the years 1403-1415, when Johannes held a position at the chapter. However, some of the transcribed letters date from the fourteenth century, since Johannes could easily find a huge amount of older documents in the chapter archives or at the episcopal chancery. The subjects in this kind of form are, for instance, the collection and payment of tithes, especially the tithe belonging to the canons at the cathedral (decimae canonicales), and the payment of rent by the tenant farmers.

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	=====Letters concerning the life of students=====		=====Letters concerning the life of students=====
	As in a great number of other formularies and collections of letters from the Middle Ages, there are letters which concern the life of students. These forms are extracted from letters either written by or written to Johannes or other students in Prague and Paris; they are most valuable in throwing light on the academic conditions of their time. The letters are often addressed to the sender’s benefactor, usually an ecclesiastic patron, and a large element seems to consist of requests for money. (About student letters from Paris, see AILI 1990, 208-19.) A more diversified group of forms is represented by letters sent to, or from, kings, popes, cardinals, etc. These documents are in most cases connected with either the canonization process of St. Birgitta or the Bridgettine embassy at the Council of Constance 1414-1418 and the diplomatic efforts in the following years.		As in a great number of other formularies and collections of letters from the Middle Ages, there are letters which concern the life of students. These forms are extracted from letters either written by or written to Johannes or other students in Prague and Paris; they are most valuable in throwing light on the academic conditions of their time. The letters are often addressed to the sender’s benefactor, usually an ecclesiastic patron, and a large element seems to consist of requests for money. (About student letters from Paris, see AILI 1990, 208-19.)

			=====Letters sent to, or from, kings, popes, cardinals, etc.=====
			A more diversified group of forms is represented by letters sent to, or from, kings, popes, cardinals, etc. These documents are in most cases connected with either the canonization process of St. Birgitta or the Bridgettine embassy at the Council of Constance 1414-1418 and the diplomatic efforts in the following years.
	It is worthy of note that the oldest evidence of the use of spectacles in Sweden, and probably in Scandinavia as a whole, is found in C 6. When returning from Paris in 1414, Johannes bought a collection of lenses, probably in Bruges. After his arrival in Sweden, he obviously presented the bishop of Linköping, Knut Bosson, with a pair of spectacles. In a letter to the bishop Johannes ends with the following passage:		It is worthy of note that the oldest evidence of the use of spectacles in Sweden, and probably in Scandinavia as a whole, is found in C 6. When returning from Paris in 1414, Johannes bought a collection of lenses, probably in Bruges. After his arrival in Sweden, he obviously presented the bishop of Linköping, Knut Bosson, with a pair of spectacles. In a letter to the bishop Johannes ends with the following passage:
	Item oculares vestros vitreos, quos vobis dedi, cum sint confracti michi transmittere, si placuerit paternitati vestre, alios integros remittere non omittam [...] (C 6, fol. 66v; ed. STÅHL forthc.). (Furthermore, if it would please you, father, to return the spectacles which I gave you, since they are damaged, I will certainly send you another undamaged pair.)		Item oculares vestros vitreos, quos vobis dedi, cum sint confracti michi transmittere, si placuerit paternitati vestre, alios integros remittere non omittam [...] (C 6, fol. 66v; ed. STÅHL forthc.). (Furthermore, if it would please you, father, to return the spectacles which I gave you, since they are damaged, I will certainly send you another undamaged pair.)

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	There are several indications showing that the book was used a long time after the death of Johannes. Headings and other kinds of notes have been added in the margins by various scribes (see STÅHL 1998, 40-47). At the end of the codex there are a couple of forms transcribed from as late as the beginning of the sixteenth century.		There are several indications showing that the book was used a long time after the death of Johannes. Headings and other kinds of notes have been added in the margins by various scribes (see STÅHL 1998, 40-47). At the end of the codex there are a couple of forms transcribed from as late as the beginning of the sixteenth century.
	After the reformation and the dissolution of Vadstena Abbey in the sixteenth century, all books of the library were either destroyed or sent to Stockholm. C 6, as most of the extant manuscripts in Latin from Vadstena, was donated by the Swedish King Gustavus Adolphus around 1620 to the newly founded University Library of Uppsala.		After the reformation and the dissolution of Vadstena Abbey in the sixteenth century, all books of the library were either destroyed or sent to Stockholm. C 6, as most of the extant manuscripts in Latin from Vadstena, was donated by the Swedish King Gustavus Adolphus around 1620 to the newly founded University Library of Uppsala.


	==Bibliography==		==Bibliography==
	AILI, H. 1990: Röster från svensk medeltid, ed. by H. Aili, O. Ferm, H. Gustavson, Stockholm.		*AILI, H. 1990: Röster från svensk medeltid, ed. by H. Aili, O. Ferm, H. Gustavson, Stockholm.
	ANDERSSON-SCHMITT, M. 2001: “Johannes Hildebrandi – Karriere eines Niederdeutschen in Schweden,” Niederdeutsches Jahrbuch 124.		*ANDERSSON-SCHMITT, M. 2001: “Johannes Hildebrandi – Karriere eines Niederdeutschen in Schweden,” Niederdeutsches Jahrbuch 124.
	• BRILIOTH, Y. 1925: Svensk kyrka, kungadöme och påvemakt 1363-1414, Uppsala.		*• BRILIOTH, Y. 1925: Svensk kyrka, kungadöme och påvemakt 1363-1414, Uppsala.
	FARAL, E. 1924: Les arts poétiques du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle. Recherche et documents sur la technique littéraire du moyen âge. (Bibliothèque de l’école des hautes études, fasc. 238), Paris.		*FARAL, E. 1924: Les arts poétiques du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle. Recherche et documents sur la technique littéraire du moyen âge. (Bibliothèque de l’école des hautes études, fasc. 238), Paris.
	FRIEDLAENDER, I. 1956: “Processus Satanae contra genus hominum. En förbised litterär text i en formulärbok från Vadstena kloster,” in Archivistica et mediaevistica Ernesto Nygren oblata (Samlingar och studier utgivna av Svenskt arkivsamfund 1), Stockholm.		*FRIEDLAENDER, I. 1956: “Processus Satanae contra genus hominum. En förbised litterär text i en formulärbok från Vadstena kloster,” in Archivistica et mediaevistica Ernesto Nygren oblata (Samlingar och studier utgivna av Svenskt arkivsamfund 1), Stockholm.
	FRIEDLAENDER, I. 1963: “Suppliker från Vadstena kloster och dess gynnare 1416-1419,” Kyrkohistorisk årsskrift 1963, Uppsala.		*FRIEDLAENDER, I. 1963: “Suppliker från Vadstena kloster och dess gynnare 1416-1419,” Kyrkohistorisk årsskrift 1963, Uppsala.
	GEJROT, C. 1988: Diarium Vadstenense. The Memorial Book of Vadstena Abbey. A Critical Edition with an Introduction, Stockholm.		*GEJROT, C. 1988: Diarium Vadstenense. The Memorial Book of Vadstena Abbey. A Critical Edition with an Introduction, Stockholm.
	GÖDEL, V. 1916: Sveriges medeltidslitteratur, Stockholm.		*GÖDEL, V. 1916: Sveriges medeltidslitteratur, Stockholm.
	HENNING, S. 1960: Skrivarformer och Vadstenaspråk i Siælinna thrøst. En texthistorisk och filologisk undersökning, (SFSS 66), Uppsala.		*HENNING, S. 1960: Skrivarformer och Vadstenaspråk i Siælinna thrøst. En texthistorisk och filologisk undersökning, (SFSS 66), Uppsala.
	• HÖJER, T. 1905: Studier i Vadstena klosters och birgittinordens historia intill midten af 1400-talet, Uppsala.		*• HÖJER, T. 1905: Studier i Vadstena klosters och birgittinordens historia intill midten af 1400-talet, Uppsala.
	LINDROTH, S. 1975: Svensk lärdomshistoria 1, Medeltiden. Reformationstiden, Stockholm.		*LINDROTH, S. 1975: Svensk lärdomshistoria 1, Medeltiden. Reformationstiden, Stockholm.
	LOSMAN, B. 1970: Norden och reformkonsilierna 1408-1449, Göteborg.		*LOSMAN, B. 1970: Norden och reformkonsilierna 1408-1449, Göteborg.
	• MHUU		*• MHUU
	NYBERG, T. 1965: Birgittinische Klostergründungen des Mittelalters, Lund-Leiden.		*NYBERG, T. 1965: Birgittinische Klostergründungen des Mittelalters, Lund-Leiden.
	• ÖBERG, J. 1973: “Johannes Hildebrandi,” in SBL, vol. 20, Stockholm.		*• ÖBERG, J. 1973: “Johannes Hildebrandi,” in SBL, vol. 20, Stockholm.
	ROCKINGER, L. 1863-64: Briefsteller und Formelbücher des 11. bis 14. Jahrhunderts, München, (Aalen 1969).		*ROCKINGER, L. 1863-64: Briefsteller und Formelbücher des 11. bis 14. Jahrhunderts, München, (Aalen 1969).
	SCHMID, T. 1951: “Medicinsk lärdom i det medeltida Sverige,” Fornvännen 1951, Stockholm.		*SCHMID, T. 1951: “Medicinsk lärdom i det medeltida Sverige,” Fornvännen 1951, Stockholm.
	SCHNELL, I. 1934: “Notiser om glasögonens historia i Sverige,” Fataburen 1934, Stockholm.		*SCHNELL, I. 1934: “Notiser om glasögonens historia i Sverige,” Fataburen 1934, Stockholm.
	SCHÜCK, H. 1893: “Anteckningar om den äldsta bokhandeln i Sverge,” in Festskrift med anledning af Svenska bokförläggareföreningens femtiårs-jubileum den 4 december 1893, Stockholm.		*SCHÜCK, H. 1893: “Anteckningar om den äldsta bokhandeln i Sverge,” in Festskrift med anledning af Svenska bokförläggareföreningens femtiårs-jubileum den 4 december 1893, Stockholm.
	• SCHÜCK, H. 1959: Ecclesia Lincopensis. Studier om Linköpingskyrkan under medeltiden och Gustav Vasa, Stockholm.		*• SCHÜCK, H. 1959: Ecclesia Lincopensis. Studier om Linköpingskyrkan under medeltiden och Gustav Vasa, Stockholm.
	SILFVERSTOLPE, C. 1891: En blick i Vadstena klosters arkiv och bibliotek, (Ur några antecknares samlingar, tillägnat G. E. Klemming), Uppsala.		*SILFVERSTOLPE, C. 1891: En blick i Vadstena klosters arkiv och bibliotek, (Ur några antecknares samlingar, tillägnat G. E. Klemming), Uppsala.
	SILFVERSTOLPE, C. 1898: Klosterfolket i Vadstena. Personhistoriska anteckningar, Stockholm.		*SILFVERSTOLPE, C. 1898: Klosterfolket i Vadstena. Personhistoriska anteckningar, Stockholm.
	WESTERLUND-SETTERDAHL 1915-1943: Linköpings stifts herdaminne, vol. 1-4, ed. J.A. Westerlund, J.A. Setterdahl, E. Meurling, Linköping.		*WESTERLUND-SETTERDAHL 1915-1943: Linköpings stifts herdaminne, vol. 1-4, ed. J.A. Westerlund, J.A. Setterdahl, E. Meurling, Linköping.

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	=====Composition and style=====		=====Composition and style=====
	The medieval formularies and collections of letters must be considered in the light of ars dictandi, a highly extensive genre in the Middle Ages. The knowledge of epistolary art was essential to everyone who wanted to make a career, particularly in the Church. Instruction in the composition of letters and official acts was given in the schools and chancelleries by the so-called dictatores. In a strictly hierarchic society, like that in the Middle Ages, it was extremely important to address a person in the correct manner. This is the reason for collecting letters and making up form letters, as models for future letter-writing. (About medieval formularies in general, see, for example, ROCKINGER 1863-1864, STÅHL 1998, 25-30 with further references; KLNM 3, 69-71.)		The medieval formularies and collections of letters must be considered in the light of ars dictandi, a highly extensive genre in the Middle Ages. The knowledge of epistolary art was essential to everyone who wanted to make a career, particularly in the Church. Instruction in the composition of letters and official acts was given in the schools and chancelleries by the so-called dictatores. In a strictly hierarchic society, like that in the Middle Ages, it was extremely important to address a person in the correct manner. This is the reason for collecting letters and making up form letters, as models for future letter-writing. (About medieval formularies in general, see, for example, ROCKINGER 1863-1864, STÅHL 1998, 25-30 with further references; KLNM 3, 69-71.)

	The specific parts of an official act were the following:		The specific parts of an official act were the following:
	Protocol:		Protocol:

	Invocatio: e.g. In nomine Dei.		Invocatio: e.g. In nomine Dei.

	Intitulatio: Name and title of the sender.		Intitulatio: Name and title of the sender.

	Inscriptio: Name and title of the receiver.		Inscriptio: Name and title of the receiver.

	Salutatio: The greeting, e.g. salutem.		Salutatio: The greeting, e.g. salutem.
	Context:		Context:

	Arenga/Exordium: General reflection, often with some kind of proverb quoted.		Arenga/Exordium: General reflection, often with some kind of proverb quoted.

	Promulgatio/Publicatio/Notificatio: Any kind of declaration (Noverint omnes christifideles...).		Promulgatio/Publicatio/Notificatio: Any kind of declaration (Noverint omnes christifideles...).

	Narratio: Facts and circumstances of the document.		Narratio: Facts and circumstances of the document.

	Dispositio: Manifestation of the sender’s will (Unde volumus, quatenus...).		Dispositio: Manifestation of the sender’s will (Unde volumus, quatenus...).

	Sanctio: Threat to punish those who do not follow what has been expressed in the dispositio.		Sanctio: Threat to punish those who do not follow what has been expressed in the dispositio.

	Corroboratio: Formula of confirmation.		Corroboratio: Formula of confirmation.
	Eschatocol:		Eschatocol:

	Date		Date

	Apprecatio: e.g. Amen.		Apprecatio: e.g. Amen.

	Subscriptio: Signature of the sender (or the chancellor).		Subscriptio: Signature of the sender (or the chancellor).

	Not all these parts are always included in every document; there is a certain difference in this respect between the official acts and the more or less private letters. The latter category tends to follow a more simple division with salutatio, captatio benevolentiae, narratio, petitio and conclusio. Since there are documents of both private and more official characteristic in C 6, we find letters from both types of division.		Not all these parts are always included in every document; there is a certain difference in this respect between the official acts and the more or less private letters. The latter category tends to follow a more simple division with salutatio, captatio benevolentiae, narratio, petitio and conclusio. Since there are documents of both private and more official characteristic in C 6, we find letters from both types of division.

	The greatest attention was paid to the salutation-formula. In the letters collected by Johannes the salutation usually consists of a phrase in the ablative, sometimes abounding in rhetoric extravagance, e.g. Spiritu consolacionis anxietati mentis vestre ex cordis mei penetralibus intimis preoptato (C 6, fol. 7r; ed. STÅHL 1998, 92, no. 51). Typical of forms is the omission of proper names, dates, etc. In lieu of a proper name the editor of the formulary could simply write the initial or the letter N.(= nomen).		The greatest attention was paid to the salutation-formula. In the letters collected by Johannes the salutation usually consists of a phrase in the ablative, sometimes abounding in rhetoric extravagance, e.g. Spiritu consolacionis anxietati mentis vestre ex cordis mei penetralibus intimis preoptato (C 6, fol. 7r; ed. STÅHL 1998, 92, no. 51). Typical of forms is the omission of proper names, dates, etc. In lieu of a proper name the editor of the formulary could simply write the initial or the letter N.(= nomen).
	It is not easy to distinguish the letters written by Johannes himself from the letters originally produced by others. Since the syntax and style of Latin letters, especially after ca. 1200, had congealed into uniformity as a result of the study of ars dictandi, any particular originality where the language is concerned is not to be expected. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that the medieval letter collections do not attract our interest mainly because of their style, but rather because of the contents and the facts they reveal to posterity.		It is not easy to distinguish the letters written by Johannes himself from the letters originally produced by others. Since the syntax and style of Latin letters, especially after ca. 1200, had congealed into uniformity as a result of the study of ars dictandi, any particular originality where the language is concerned is not to be expected. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that the medieval letter collections do not attract our interest mainly because of their style, but rather because of the contents and the facts they reveal to posterity.

	However, in order to illustrate the style of Johannes and thus very representative of the epistolary genre of the time, a passage from C 6 fol. 5v may be quoted. The letter, which dates from the year 1418, is written by Johannes to a brother residing at the newly founded Bridgettine monastery of Mariental (Vallis Mariae) near Reval. Parts of abbreviated names not written in the manuscript are underlined:		However, in order to illustrate the style of Johannes and thus very representative of the epistolary genre of the time, a passage from C 6 fol. 5v may be quoted. The letter, which dates from the year 1418, is written by Johannes to a brother residing at the newly founded Bridgettine monastery of Mariental (Vallis Mariae) near Reval. Parts of abbreviated names not written in the manuscript are underlined:
	Humili mei recommendacione in Virginis Filio prelibata. Pro innumeris beneficiis vestris ac caritatis indiciis, quibus me indignum respicere dignamini, grates refero multiformes ac specialiter pro fratre meo domino Gerlaco Crusa, confratre et conventuali vestro. Quem una cum socio suo I... inveni ante me Sudercopie die sanctorum Felicis et Aduacti, quos adduxi ad fratres in Wastenis crastino beati Egidii, ubi audito eorum adventu facta est in Domino communis exultacio, et regratiabantur vobis coram utroque conventu pro eo, quod laudabiliter et honeste vos erga eos habuistis. Et utinam non obstarent improbitates et rebelliones quorundam civitatensium Revaliensium ac aliorum de cruciferis! Esset summe necessarium, quod ad tempus staretis cum illis noviciis pro ampliori eorum informacione, et hoc totis nisibus affectarem. [...] (C 6, fol. 5v; ed. STÅHL 1998, 87, no. 39:1-4). (With humble recommendation of myself sent before in the Son of the Virgin. On account of the innumerable benefits and manifestations of charity, by which you have deigned to take care of me, though unworthy, I give you many thanks and especially on behalf of my brother Gerlacus Cruse, your fellow-brother. I found him and his fellow I. before me in Söderköping on the day of St. Felix and St. Adauctus (30 August), and I escorted them to the brothers in Vadstena on the day after St. Giles’s day (2 September). When their arrival was heard about, there was a common exultation in the Lord and they thanked you in front of both convents because of your laudable and honorable behaviour to them. Alas, if only the depravities and rebellions of some of the citizens of Reval and others of the Teutonic Order were not being obstructive! It would be most necessary for you to stay, for the time being, with the novices for their further instruction. This I would strive for with all my strength.)		Humili mei recommendacione in Virginis Filio prelibata. Pro innumeris beneficiis vestris ac caritatis indiciis, quibus me indignum respicere dignamini, grates refero multiformes ac specialiter pro fratre meo domino Gerlaco Crusa, confratre et conventuali vestro. Quem una cum socio suo I... inveni ante me Sudercopie die sanctorum Felicis et Aduacti, quos adduxi ad fratres in Wastenis crastino beati Egidii, ubi audito eorum adventu facta est in Domino communis exultacio, et regratiabantur vobis coram utroque conventu pro eo, quod laudabiliter et honeste vos erga eos habuistis. Et utinam non obstarent improbitates et rebelliones quorundam civitatensium Revaliensium ac aliorum de cruciferis! Esset summe necessarium, quod ad tempus staretis cum illis noviciis pro ampliori eorum informacione, et hoc totis nisibus affectarem. [...] (C 6, fol. 5v; ed. STÅHL 1998, 87, no. 39:1-4).
	Purpose and audience
			(With humble recommendation of myself sent before in the Son of the Virgin. On account of the innumerable benefits and manifestations of charity, by which you have deigned to take care of me, though unworthy, I give you many thanks and especially on behalf of my brother Gerlacus Cruse, your fellow-brother. I found him and his fellow I. before me in Söderköping on the day of St. Felix and St. Adauctus (30 August), and I escorted them to the brothers in Vadstena on the day after St. Giles’s day (2 September). When their arrival was heard about, there was a common exultation in the Lord and they thanked you in front of both convents because of your laudable and honorable behaviour to them. Alas, if only the depravities and rebellions of some of the citizens of Reval and others of the Teutonic Order were not being obstructive! It would be most necessary for you to stay, for the time being, with the novices for their further instruction. This I would strive for with all my strength.)

			=====Purpose and audience=====
	The purpose of medieval formularies has been discussed above (see Composition and style). We have to assume that Johannes had already started to transcribe the letters etc. as a student in Prague. Having returned to Sweden and Linköping, he continued to collect documents which he thought could be useful as models for other letter-writing in his future career. (About the use of the manuscript in Vadstena Abbey see Medieval reception and transmission).		The purpose of medieval formularies has been discussed above (see Composition and style). We have to assume that Johannes had already started to transcribe the letters etc. as a student in Prague. Having returned to Sweden and Linköping, he continued to collect documents which he thought could be useful as models for other letter-writing in his future career. (About the use of the manuscript in Vadstena Abbey see Medieval reception and transmission).
	Medieval reception and transmission		Medieval reception and transmission