Historia Norwegie - Revision history

Hkllm at 13:41, 27 June 2012

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	* MORTENSEN, L.B. 2005b: “Den norske middelalderlitteratur på latin,” in Den kirkehistoriske utfordring, ed. S. Imsen, Trondheim, 139–46.		* MORTENSEN, L.B. 2005b: “Den norske middelalderlitteratur på latin,” in Den kirkehistoriske utfordring, ed. S. Imsen, Trondheim, 139–46.
	* MORTENSEN, L.B. 2006: “Sanctified Beginnings and Mythopoietic Moments. The First Wave of Writing on the Past in Norway, Denmark, and Hungary, c. 1000–1230,” in The Making of Christian Myths in the Periphery of Latin Christendom (c. 1000–1300), ed. L.B. Mortensen, Copenhagen, 247–73.		* MORTENSEN, L.B. 2006: “Sanctified Beginnings and Mythopoietic Moments. The First Wave of Writing on the Past in Norway, Denmark, and Hungary, c. 1000–1230,” in The Making of Christian Myths in the Periphery of Latin Christendom (c. 1000–1300), ed. L.B. Mortensen, Copenhagen, 247–73.
			* MORTENSEN, L.B. 2011: ‘Historia Norwegie and Sven Aggesen: Two Pioneers in Comparison’, in Historical Narratives and Christian Identity on a European Periphery: Early History Writing in Northern, East-Central, and Eastern Europe (c. 1070-1200), ed. I. Garipzanov, Brepols, 57-70.
	* MORTENSEN. L.B. & MUNDAL, E. 2003: “Erkebispesetet i Nidaros – arnestad og verkstad for olavslitteraturen,” in Ecclesia Nidrosiensis 1153–1537. Søkelys på Nidaroskirkens og Nidarosprovinsens historie, ed. S. Imsen, Trondheim, 353–84.		* MORTENSEN. L.B. & MUNDAL, E. 2003: “Erkebispesetet i Nidaros – arnestad og verkstad for olavslitteraturen,” in Ecclesia Nidrosiensis 1153–1537. Søkelys på Nidaroskirkens og Nidarosprovinsens historie, ed. S. Imsen, Trondheim, 353–84.
	* MUNCH, P.A. 1850: [ed. of Historia Norwegie] Symbolæ ad historiam antiquiorem rerum Norvegicarum, Kristiania.		* MUNCH, P.A. 1850: [ed. of Historia Norwegie] Symbolæ ad historiam antiquiorem rerum Norvegicarum, Kristiania.

Hkllm at 14:46, 16 March 2012

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	by Lars Boje Mortensen		by Lars Boje Mortensen

	The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see ~~[[[~~Date and Place~~]]]~~). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.		The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see Date and Place). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.

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Hkllm at 14:46, 16 March 2012

2012-03-16T14:46:05Z

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	by Lars Boje Mortensen		by Lars Boje Mortensen

	The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see [Date and Place]). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.		The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see [[[Date and Place]]]). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.

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Hkllm at 14:45, 16 March 2012

2012-03-16T14:45:38Z

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	by Lars Boje Mortensen		by Lars Boje Mortensen

	The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see Date and Place). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.		The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see [Date and Place]). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.

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Hkllm at 16:12, 25 February 2012

2012-02-25T16:12:43Z

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			by Lars Boje Mortensen

	The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see Date and Place). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.		The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see Date and Place). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.

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	* VANDVIK, E. 1959 (ed.): Latinske dokument til norsk historie fram til år 1204 [ed. V. Skånland], Oslo.		* VANDVIK, E. 1959 (ed.): Latinske dokument til norsk historie fram til år 1204 [ed. V. Skånland], Oslo.
	* WERNER, K.F. 1987: “Gott, Herscher und Historiograph. Der Geschichtsschreiber als Interpret des Wirken Gottes in der Welt und Ratgeber der Könige (4.–12. Jahrhundert),” in Deus qui mutat tempora: Menschen und Institutionen im Wandel des Mittelalters. Festschrift für Alfons Becker zu seinem fünfundsechzigsten Geburtstag, ed. E.-D. Hehl, H. Seibert & F. Staab, Sigmaringen, 1–31.		* WERNER, K.F. 1987: “Gott, Herscher und Historiograph. Der Geschichtsschreiber als Interpret des Wirken Gottes in der Welt und Ratgeber der Könige (4.–12. Jahrhundert),” in Deus qui mutat tempora: Menschen und Institutionen im Wandel des Mittelalters. Festschrift für Alfons Becker zu seinem fünfundsechzigsten Geburtstag, ed. E.-D. Hehl, H. Seibert & F. Staab, Sigmaringen, 1–31.

	~~Lars Boje Mortensen~~

	[[Category:Article]]		[[Category:Article]]

Hkllm at 12:58, 6 October 2010

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	In trying to balance the arguments in favour of an early (ca. 1150–1175) or a late (ca. 1175–1200) date, one is bound to take up the complex of problems related to place of composition, or, rather, primary intellectual milieu. By sifting the evidence of the texts Historia Norwegie is drawing upon and of the transmission of Historia Norwegie, as is partly done below (Sources and literary models) and more fully in MORTENSEN (2003), it emerges that our Norwegian author must have been south at some point for purposes of study; his inspiration most probably came from a Danish or Saxon centre of learning — perhaps both. But in addition to his learning, there are two more clusters of indirect evidence that to some degree can help us narrow down the place and period of his activity.		In trying to balance the arguments in favour of an early (ca. 1150–1175) or a late (ca. 1175–1200) date, one is bound to take up the complex of problems related to place of composition, or, rather, primary intellectual milieu. By sifting the evidence of the texts Historia Norwegie is drawing upon and of the transmission of Historia Norwegie, as is partly done below (Sources and literary models) and more fully in MORTENSEN (2003), it emerges that our Norwegian author must have been south at some point for purposes of study; his inspiration most probably came from a Danish or Saxon centre of learning — perhaps both. But in addition to his learning, there are two more clusters of indirect evidence that to some degree can help us narrow down the place and period of his activity.

	The first is our knowledge of the Trondheim milieu in the period of Archbishop Eystein Erlendsson (1161–1188). As already noted by KOHT (1919–1920, 112) and SANDAAKER (1985) it is significant that the Trondheim-based historian >Theodoricus (ca. 1180) and the author of Historia Norwegie show no signs of knowing one another. This lack of cross-reference implies another place of composition for the Historia; such an impression is strengthened when we consider that the French learning of Theodoricus and the German of Historia Norwegie seem to be worlds apart. The foreign authorities that Theodoricus draws on are all French or Roman (he would almost certainly have used Adam of Bremen had he known of him. The distinctive French learning in Theodoricus was established by JOHNSEN 1939; additional evidence in MORTENSEN 2000a). Nor are there any positive signs that Theodoricus used written Icelandic sources (pace LANGE 1989, cf. MORTENSEN 2000b). The axis of learning between Trondheim and northern France is completely ignored by the author of Historia Norwegie: not only is Theodoricus unknown, but also Passio Olaui is undetectable; in particular the debate about the place of Olaf’s baptism could have left traces in the Historia — had it been known by the author. We find it in Theodoricus, Passio Olaui, an exchange between Eystein and the Pope, and in a northern French manuscript of Passio Olaui copied in the last quarter of the twelfth century from a Norwegian exemplar (MORTENSEN 2000a). The books used by the author of Historia Norwegie were not, it seems, present in Trondheim in its twelfth-century Renaissance during the time of Eystein, and the books studied and produced there were unknown to the author of Historia Norwegie.		The first is our knowledge of the Trondheim milieu in the period of Archbishop Eystein Erlendsson (1161–1188). As already noted by KOHT (1919–1920, 112) and SANDAAKER (1985) it is significant that the Trondheim-based historian [[Theodoricus Monachus]] (ca. 1180) and the author of Historia Norwegie show no signs of knowing one another. This lack of cross-reference implies another place of composition for the Historia; such an impression is strengthened when we consider that the French learning of Theodoricus and the German of Historia Norwegie seem to be worlds apart. The foreign authorities that Theodoricus draws on are all French or Roman (he would almost certainly have used Adam of Bremen had he known of him. The distinctive French learning in Theodoricus was established by JOHNSEN 1939; additional evidence in MORTENSEN 2000a). Nor are there any positive signs that Theodoricus used written Icelandic sources (pace LANGE 1989, cf. MORTENSEN 2000b). The axis of learning between Trondheim and northern France is completely ignored by the author of Historia Norwegie: not only is Theodoricus unknown, but also Passio Olaui is undetectable; in particular the debate about the place of Olaf’s baptism could have left traces in the Historia — had it been known by the author. We find it in Theodoricus, Passio Olaui, an exchange between Eystein and the Pope, and in a northern French manuscript of Passio Olaui copied in the last quarter of the twelfth century from a Norwegian exemplar (MORTENSEN 2000a). The books used by the author of Historia Norwegie were not, it seems, present in Trondheim in its twelfth-century Renaissance during the time of Eystein, and the books studied and produced there were unknown to the author of Historia Norwegie.

	The other cluster concerns the transmission. The single manuscript witness to most of our text has led scholars to see Historia Norwegie as a very isolated work, even as a work left unfinished or disregarded by its own author. Against this weighs the argument that the Historia, when compared to similar contemporary historiography, has all the hallmarks of being a “collective” elite endeavour and the fact that it has been transmitted by two entirely different routes. This is discussed in MORTENSEN (2003, 33–43), and more briefly below (Transmission), but we can anticipate the conclusion that at least two or three medieval manuscripts of the entire text are likely to have existed, one or two of which were in Norway before ca. 1300. The implication is important, namely that the text lived on in one or more Norwegian libraries and was recognized institutionally — it was not a text left to the care of a single person. Its reception was still narrow — something like the modest spread of similar cases of official Latin historiography in the North (>Theodoricus, >Saxo). But if one or more institutions in Norway did take care of the text before ca. 1300, the probability of a primary Norwegian intellectual environment — other than a purely exile one — for Historia Norwegie increases significantly.		The other cluster concerns the transmission. The single manuscript witness to most of our text has led scholars to see Historia Norwegie as a very isolated work, even as a work left unfinished or disregarded by its own author. Against this weighs the argument that the Historia, when compared to similar contemporary historiography, has all the hallmarks of being a “collective” elite endeavour and the fact that it has been transmitted by two entirely different routes. This is discussed in MORTENSEN (2003, 33–43), and more briefly below (Transmission), but we can anticipate the conclusion that at least two or three medieval manuscripts of the entire text are likely to have existed, one or two of which were in Norway before ca. 1300. The implication is important, namely that the text lived on in one or more Norwegian libraries and was recognized institutionally — it was not a text left to the care of a single person. Its reception was still narrow — something like the modest spread of similar cases of official Latin historiography in the North ([[Theodoricus Monachus]], >Saxo). But if one or more institutions in Norway did take care of the text before ca. 1300, the probability of a primary Norwegian intellectual environment — other than a purely exile one — for Historia Norwegie increases significantly.

	It is fraught with difficulty, then, to place the composition of Historia Norwegie in Trondheim, especially during or immediately after the flourishing of Latin letters in the reign of Archbishop Eystein. This is why the environment in Denmark during Archbishop Eirik Ivarsson’s exile in Lund in the 1190s has been an attractive possibility (see below Sources and literary models). But if we accept the more modern view that historiography of this sort is an institutional undertaking of some importance for others apart from the author and the dedicatee alone (cf. WERNER 1987), it becomes equally difficult to see how the text was produced during Archbishop Eirik Ivarsson’s exile in Lund in the 1190s: someone in his entourage must have known about Theodoricus’s work (and the other relevant writings, e.g. Passio Olaui which seems to have been known in Lund by Saxo during the same period, FRIIS-JENSEN 2000). For this very reason SANDAAKER 1985 proposed an earlier Danish occasion around 1180 — i.e. exactly contemporary with Theodoricus but outside the immediate reach of Trondheim scholars. A third possibility was developed by EKREM (1998, 1999, 2000 & 2003): Historia Norwegie is an archiepiscopal product of the time before Eystein, though not necessarily produced in Trondheim. Again it is problematic to presume that such an endeavour could have been forgotten within a decade in the same intellectual milieu. If really furthered directly by the archbishopric the text of Historia Norwegie would not just have been a book on the archiepiscopal shelves; rather some kind of collective elite memory would have registered the composition and physical existence of the text — as they would indeed have become aware of the utmost importance of its major model, ~~>Adam of Bremen~~. A similar argument would apply against placing Historia Norwegie in the Trondheim dominated by King Sverre in the 1180s and 1190s (never suggested by anyone, probably because scholars would have expected clear signals of this already in the Prologue).		It is fraught with difficulty, then, to place the composition of Historia Norwegie in Trondheim, especially during or immediately after the flourishing of Latin letters in the reign of Archbishop Eystein. This is why the environment in Denmark during Archbishop Eirik Ivarsson’s exile in Lund in the 1190s has been an attractive possibility (see below Sources and literary models). But if we accept the more modern view that historiography of this sort is an institutional undertaking of some importance for others apart from the author and the dedicatee alone (cf. WERNER 1987), it becomes equally difficult to see how the text was produced during Archbishop Eirik Ivarsson’s exile in Lund in the 1190s: someone in his entourage must have known about Theodoricus’s work (and the other relevant writings, e.g. Passio Olaui which seems to have been known in Lund by Saxo during the same period, FRIIS-JENSEN 2000). For this very reason SANDAAKER 1985 proposed an earlier Danish occasion around 1180 — i.e. exactly contemporary with Theodoricus but outside the immediate reach of Trondheim scholars. A third possibility was developed by EKREM (1998, 1999, 2000 & 2003): Historia Norwegie is an archiepiscopal product of the time before Eystein, though not necessarily produced in Trondheim. Again it is problematic to presume that such an endeavour could have been forgotten within a decade in the same intellectual milieu. If really furthered directly by the archbishopric the text of Historia Norwegie would not just have been a book on the archiepiscopal shelves; rather some kind of collective elite memory would have registered the composition and physical existence of the text — as they would indeed have become aware of the utmost importance of its major model, [[Adamus Bremensis]]. A similar argument would apply against placing Historia Norwegie in the Trondheim dominated by King Sverre in the 1180s and 1190s (never suggested by anyone, probably because scholars would have expected clear signals of this already in the Prologue).

	If Trondheim is problematic and we do seem to have a Norwegian transmission of the text, one must look for other centres of power having connections with ecclesiastical institutions or at least a clerical/scribal entourage. Our knowledge of personnel and libraries of this period is very deficient (cf. OMMUNDSEN 2007); either of the other bishoprics on the west coast, Bergen and Stavanger, or in the east, Oslo and Hamar, could qualify. EKREM (2003, 217–18) gave a certain priority to Bergen and the circle around King Inge Haraldsson (“Krokrygg”, 1136–1161). Of the many rulers and pretenders to the throne in the decades after 1150, Inge, indeed, seems a probable figure around whom a project of Historia Norwegie’s character might have been planned and carried out: Inge was central, it seems, in the establishment of the Trondheim see; he had a reputation of being bookish and the Icelandic historian Eirik Oddsson (author of a Norwegian kings’ chronicle or biography now lost) was probably in close contact with Inge’s men around 1150 (EKREM 2003, 175). During the civil wars and his joint kingship Inge often stayed in the Viken area (the Oslo Fjord) — which would be a strong rival to Bergen in our quest; here Oslo, or the thriving port of Tønsberg, are possibilities that come to mind. Against Inge, however, a strong argument can be mustered: the later Archbishop Eystein had been Inge’s chaplain. Thus he would have known about Historia Norwegie if it had been written in Inge’s entourage, and it is difficult to see how Eystein would not have established some connection between Historia Norwegie and the Trondheim texts about to be produced. But even without or after King Inge, Viken has some points in its favour: the author pays somewhat more attention to the east than the west in his description and narrative. The connections with Denmark and Germany were direct and this was the well-trodden path of cultural exchange between Viken and the Continent, in contrast to the west coast’s traditional connections with England and France. A composition of Historia Norwegie in the east during the third quarter of the twelfth century would also account better for the mutual isolation of the Historia and the Trondheim texts than, for instance, composition in Stavanger or Bergen. Perhaps the best timeframe for an eastern location would be the poorly documented political turmoil of the 1160s and early 1170s (including the Danish King Valdemar’s claim on Viken). Finally, one should not totally dismiss other locations outside Norway proper. It is possible that a well-connected learned Norwegian might not (only) have been inspired by Danish contacts or libraries, but perhaps spent time in Iceland or the Orkneys. That would explain his access to sources (Iceland), his interest in both insular societies, and his lack of direct contact with Trondheim. However, the Norwegian viewpoint in the text as well as its Norwegian transmission (cf. below) cannot be questioned; therefore Norway remains the obvious suggestion as the base of the author, with good pointers away from Trondheim and towards eastern Norway.		If Trondheim is problematic and we do seem to have a Norwegian transmission of the text, one must look for other centres of power having connections with ecclesiastical institutions or at least a clerical/scribal entourage. Our knowledge of personnel and libraries of this period is very deficient (cf. OMMUNDSEN 2007); either of the other bishoprics on the west coast, Bergen and Stavanger, or in the east, Oslo and Hamar, could qualify. EKREM (2003, 217–18) gave a certain priority to Bergen and the circle around King Inge Haraldsson (“Krokrygg”, 1136–1161). Of the many rulers and pretenders to the throne in the decades after 1150, Inge, indeed, seems a probable figure around whom a project of Historia Norwegie’s character might have been planned and carried out: Inge was central, it seems, in the establishment of the Trondheim see; he had a reputation of being bookish and the Icelandic historian Eirik Oddsson (author of a Norwegian kings’ chronicle or biography now lost) was probably in close contact with Inge’s men around 1150 (EKREM 2003, 175). During the civil wars and his joint kingship Inge often stayed in the Viken area (the Oslo Fjord) — which would be a strong rival to Bergen in our quest; here Oslo, or the thriving port of Tønsberg, are possibilities that come to mind. Against Inge, however, a strong argument can be mustered: the later Archbishop Eystein had been Inge’s chaplain. Thus he would have known about Historia Norwegie if it had been written in Inge’s entourage, and it is difficult to see how Eystein would not have established some connection between Historia Norwegie and the Trondheim texts about to be produced. But even without or after King Inge, Viken has some points in its favour: the author pays somewhat more attention to the east than the west in his description and narrative. The connections with Denmark and Germany were direct and this was the well-trodden path of cultural exchange between Viken and the Continent, in contrast to the west coast’s traditional connections with England and France. A composition of Historia Norwegie in the east during the third quarter of the twelfth century would also account better for the mutual isolation of the Historia and the Trondheim texts than, for instance, composition in Stavanger or Bergen. Perhaps the best timeframe for an eastern location would be the poorly documented political turmoil of the 1160s and early 1170s (including the Danish King Valdemar’s claim on Viken). Finally, one should not totally dismiss other locations outside Norway proper. It is possible that a well-connected learned Norwegian might not (only) have been inspired by Danish contacts or libraries, but perhaps spent time in Iceland or the Orkneys. That would explain his access to sources (Iceland), his interest in both insular societies, and his lack of direct contact with Trondheim. However, the Norwegian viewpoint in the text as well as its Norwegian transmission (cf. below) cannot be questioned; therefore Norway remains the obvious suggestion as the base of the author, with good pointers away from Trondheim and towards eastern Norway.

Hkllm at 12:55, 6 October 2010

2010-10-06T12:55:23Z

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	The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see [Date and Place]). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.		The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see Date and Place). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.

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Hkllm at 12:54, 6 October 2010

2010-10-06T12:54:53Z

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	The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see Date and Place ~~below~~). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.		The anonymous Historia Norwegie is an elaborate piece of national historical writing from the second half of the twelfth century, perhaps the first such work to be produced in Norway (see [Date and Place]). Only the first book has been transmitted with its preface, a thorough geographical introduction, and the lineage and deeds of kings up to the accession of Olaf Haraldsson (1015). In its original form the Historia must have comprised two, three or more books, and was thus the longest Latin chronicle we know from medieval Norway. The present article is a condensed, rearranged and updated version of MORTENSEN 2003; more documentation and bibliography will be found there.

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Hkllm at 12:53, 6 October 2010

2010-10-06T12:53:34Z

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