Chronicon Roskildense - Revision history

Hkllm at 11:51, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T11:51:11Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 11:51, 27 June 2012
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	According to the research of A.K.G. KRISTENSEN, the medieval reception and transmission of the Roskilde chronicle was exclusively centred at the Danish archiepiscopal see of Lund and essentially limited to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Soon after its completion, the chronicle was used there as the backbone of the annals from 1130 to 1137 in the so-called >Annales Colbazenses (KRISTENSEN 1969, 39–41). It continued to be used by the annalists of the archiepiscopal see throughout the twelfth century (KRISTENSEN 1969, 57–58, 60) and, now supplemented by its continuation, well into the thirteenth, culminating with the [[Annales Lundenses]] ca. 1265 (KRISTENSEN 1969, 49 n. 64, 125–26). In the late twelfth century, the historical information of the original text was used by [[Sueno Aggonis]], [[Saxo Grammaticus]] and the Series ac brevior historia regum Danie ([[Catalogi regum Danorum]]) (WEIBULL 1915, 36–44, 111–12, 122–24, 168–76; KRISTENSEN 1969, 124). The Roskilde chronicle also served as a stylistic model for the legendary >Chronicon Lethrense, which is now considered to have originated in Lund rather than in Roskilde (KRISTENSEN 1969, 124 n. 21, refuting OLRIK 1899–1900, 224–27, OLRIK 1900–1901, 3–5, and GERTZ 1917–1918, 35–36); for the hypothesis that the Chronicon Lethrense was written to serve as a continuation backwards into heathen times of the Roskilde chronicle, see >Chronicon Lethrense. The Roskilde chronicle was still occasionally copied in the decades around 1300 (cf. below), but it cannot be shown to have had any further influence on Danish historiography until it was “rediscovered” by sixteenth-century historians, beginning with >Petrus Olai (GERTZ 1917–1918, 8).		According to the research of A.K.G. KRISTENSEN, the medieval reception and transmission of the Roskilde chronicle was exclusively centred at the Danish archiepiscopal see of Lund and essentially limited to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Soon after its completion, the chronicle was used there as the backbone of the annals from 1130 to 1137 in the so-called >Annales Colbazenses (KRISTENSEN 1969, 39–41). It continued to be used by the annalists of the archiepiscopal see throughout the twelfth century (KRISTENSEN 1969, 57–58, 60) and, now supplemented by its continuation, well into the thirteenth, culminating with the [[Annales Lundenses]] ca. 1265 (KRISTENSEN 1969, 49 n. 64, 125–26). In the late twelfth century, the historical information of the original text was used by [[Sueno Aggonis]], [[Saxo Grammaticus]] and the Series ac brevior historia regum Danie ([[Catalogi regum Danorum]]) (WEIBULL 1915, 36–44, 111–12, 122–24, 168–76; KRISTENSEN 1969, 124). The Roskilde chronicle also served as a stylistic model for the legendary >Chronicon Lethrense, which is now considered to have originated in Lund rather than in Roskilde (KRISTENSEN 1969, 124 n. 21, refuting OLRIK 1899–1900, 224–27, OLRIK 1900–1901, 3–5, and GERTZ 1917–1918, 35–36); for the hypothesis that the Chronicon Lethrense was written to serve as a continuation backwards into heathen times of the Roskilde chronicle, see >Chronicon Lethrense. The Roskilde chronicle was still occasionally copied in the decades around 1300 (cf. below), but it cannot be shown to have had any further influence on Danish historiography until it was “rediscovered” by sixteenth-century historians, beginning with >Petrus Olai (GERTZ 1917–1918, 8).

	On several important points the stance of the Roskilde chronicle was at variance with the interpretation of Danish history that became dominant towards the end of the twelfth century with the works of [[Saxo Grammaticus]] and [[Sueno Aggonis]]. This is particularly noticeable in the evaluation of the reign and sanctity of King Knud IV (d. 1086): both Saxo and Sueno polemicise against the opinion that Knud was a tyrant whose sanctity was due solely to his deep contrition in the hour of death (FRIIS-JENSEN & ZEEBERG 2005, vol. 2, 58-60; GERTZ 1917–1918, 126 lines 4–8, 127 lines 5–9), an opinion which corresponds to the Roskilde chronicler’s account of his reign (WEIBULL 1915, 86–90; GERTZ 1917–1918, 8; GAD 1961, 162; cf. WEIBULL 1928, 98; GELTING 1979, 45–47; denied by BREENGAARD 1982, 53–56), or which at least might be easily deduced from it (BREENGAARD 1982, 55). It is true that BREENGAARD is largely justified in his criticism of the WEIBULL brothers’ schematical alignment of the Roskilde chronicle with a “Gregorian” and “democratic” party as against Saxo’s and Sueno’s allegiance to a royal, “absolutist” party (see Purpose and audience). Still, contemporaries certainly had difficulties with reconciling the chronicle with the then dominant interpretation of late eleventh- and early twelfth-century Danish history. This is even reflected in the manuscript transmission of the Roskilde chronicle itself. The only surviving medieval manuscript, Kiel, University Library, S.H. 8 A 8° (cf. below), shows an interesting tampering with the text in the characterization of King Erik the Good, bringing it into line with the current view of Danish history in the thirteenth century: the chronicle’s multas iniquas et iniustas leges adinuenit has been partly erased and transformed into multas bonas et iustas leges adinuenit (GERTZ 1917–1918, 25; KROMAN 1962a, 30 (fol. 57v); GELTING 1979, 75). That the Roskilde chronicle continued to be copied at all may have been due to the huge bulk and stylistic difficulty of Saxo’s Gesta Danorum. If this were so, the appearance of the >Compendium Saxonis in the 1340s might be the reason why there is no trace of the Roskilde chronicle having been copied in the later fourteenth and the whole of the fifteenth centuries.		On several important points the stance of the Roskilde chronicle was at variance with the interpretation of Danish history that became dominant towards the end of the twelfth century with the works of [[Saxo Grammaticus]] and [[Sueno Aggonis]]. This is particularly noticeable in the evaluation of the reign and sanctity of King Knud IV (d. 1086): both Saxo and Sueno polemicise against the opinion that Knud was a tyrant whose sanctity was due solely to his deep contrition in the hour of death (FRIIS-JENSEN & ZEEBERG 2005, vol. 2, 58-60; GERTZ 1917–1918, 126 lines 4–8, 127 lines 5–9), an opinion which corresponds to the Roskilde chronicler’s account of his reign (WEIBULL 1915, 86–90; GERTZ 1917–1918, 8; GAD 1961, 162; cf. WEIBULL 1928, 98; GELTING 1979, 45–47; denied by BREENGAARD 1982, 53–56), or which at least might be easily deduced from it (BREENGAARD 1982, 55). It is true that BREENGAARD is largely justified in his criticism of the WEIBULL brothers’ schematical alignment of the Roskilde chronicle with a “Gregorian” and “democratic” party as against Saxo’s and Sueno’s allegiance to a royal, “absolutist” party (see Purpose and audience). Still, contemporaries certainly had difficulties with reconciling the chronicle with the then dominant interpretation of late eleventh- and early twelfth-century Danish history. This is even reflected in the manuscript transmission of the Roskilde chronicle itself. The only surviving medieval manuscript, Kiel, University Library, S.H. 8 A 8° (cf. below), shows an interesting tampering with the text in the characterization of King Erik the Good, bringing it into line with the current view of Danish history in the thirteenth century: the chronicle’s multas iniquas et iniustas leges adinuenit has been partly erased and transformed into multas bonas et iustas leges adinuenit (GERTZ 1917–1918, 25; KROMAN 1962a, 30 (fol. 57v); GELTING 1979, 75). That the Roskilde chronicle continued to be copied at all may have been due to the huge bulk and stylistic difficulty of Saxo’s Gesta Danorum. If this were so, the appearance of the [[Compendium Saxonis & Chronica Jutensis]] in the 1340s might be the reason why there is no trace of the Roskilde chronicle having been copied in the later fourteenth and the whole of the fifteenth centuries.

	The Roskilde chronicle has survived in four manuscripts, only one of which is medieval; Kiel, University Library, S.H. 8, A 8°, a manuscript of the late thirteenth century, containing the >Ordinale sancti Kanuti ducis et martyris, the Roskilde chronicle (lacking the end of the continuation due to the loss of one leaf) and the legend of the monk who was lured away from his monastery by the song of a little bird and upon his return found that he had been away for 200 years (from Maurice de Sully, Latin version B) (GERTZ 1908–1912, 176–78, cf. GERTZ 1917–1918, 8–9; KROMAN 1962b, XIV–XV). The provenance of this manuscript is unknown; GERTZ’s and KROMAN’s assumption that it must have been written in Zealand, probably at the centre of the cult of St. Knud the Duke at the Benedictine abbey of Ringsted or at the see of Roskilde, was founded upon the assumption that the Roskilde chronicle had remained in Roskilde; since A.K.G. KRISTENSEN’s demonstration that the entire medieval reception of the chronicle was based in Lund (cf. above), this assumption is no longer tenable, and the manuscript is likely to have been written at the archiepiscopal see. This manuscript has overall the best text, but is corrupt at some points (GERTZ 1917–1918, 11; cf. above).		The Roskilde chronicle has survived in four manuscripts, only one of which is medieval; Kiel, University Library, S.H. 8, A 8°, a manuscript of the late thirteenth century, containing the >Ordinale sancti Kanuti ducis et martyris, the Roskilde chronicle (lacking the end of the continuation due to the loss of one leaf) and the legend of the monk who was lured away from his monastery by the song of a little bird and upon his return found that he had been away for 200 years (from Maurice de Sully, Latin version B) (GERTZ 1908–1912, 176–78, cf. GERTZ 1917–1918, 8–9; KROMAN 1962b, XIV–XV). The provenance of this manuscript is unknown; GERTZ’s and KROMAN’s assumption that it must have been written in Zealand, probably at the centre of the cult of St. Knud the Duke at the Benedictine abbey of Ringsted or at the see of Roskilde, was founded upon the assumption that the Roskilde chronicle had remained in Roskilde; since A.K.G. KRISTENSEN’s demonstration that the entire medieval reception of the chronicle was based in Lund (cf. above), this assumption is no longer tenable, and the manuscript is likely to have been written at the archiepiscopal see. This manuscript has overall the best text, but is corrupt at some points (GERTZ 1917–1918, 11; cf. above).

Hkllm at 11:45, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T11:45:48Z

Hkllm at 11:34, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T11:34:41Z

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Hkllm at 11:24, 27 June 2012

2012-06-27T11:24:44Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 11:24, 27 June 2012
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	Original text: From the first baptism of a Danish king in 826 until the early years of Sven Estridsen (chapter 1 through 9), the chronicler has largely used Adam of Bremen’s Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum, apparently in a manuscript belonging to the Danish tradition (SCHMEIDLER’s group B; SCHMEIDLER 1917, XL n. 3, cf. DANSTRUP 1943, 6, and KRISTENSEN 1975, 20; cf. below, and see Composition and style). However, on some points the chronicle’s paraphrase of Adam is closer to the A version than any of the extant B texts (e.g. the name of the first bishop of Schleswig: Chron. Rosk. Hericum (GERTZ 1917–1918, 18 line 23); Adam 2:4, A text Horitu or Haredum; B and C texts Haroldum (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 64 line 15 with apparatus); and Poppo’s ordeal: Chron. Rosk. ferrum candens in manu gestauit (GERTZ 1917–1918, 21 line 19) Adam 2:35, A text, ferrum ignitum gestasse manu; B text ferrum ignitum tractasse manu; C text ignitum ferrum manu tulisse (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 96 lines 4–5 with apparatus); cf. KRISTENSEN 1975, 21–22), and some cases of correspondence with the C version have also been noted. DANSTRUP 1943, 6, 75, and KRISTENSEN 1975, 20–22, suggest that the Roskilde chronicler may have used the exemplar of the crucial twelfth-century Sorø manuscript of Adam that was lost in the fire of Copenhagen in 1728; generally, however, the Roskilde chronicle is closer to SCHMEIDLER’s MS B1b. In all likelihood the Adam manuscript used by the Roskilde chronicler was the ancestor both of the Sorø manuscript and of the rest of the manuscripts in SCHMEIDLER’s B group (this seems more likely than Bolin’s hypothesis that the different branches of the purely Danish B transmission of Adam should each be descended directly from the archetype; BOLIN 1948, 155: although the B1 transmission was based presumably on a now lost late medieval manuscript in Schleswig where direct textual transmission from Hamburg might be a distinct possibility, that manuscript seems to have contained additional material of purely Danish relevance; KRISTENSEN 1975, 86–87).		Original text: From the first baptism of a Danish king in 826 until the early years of Sven Estridsen (chapter 1 through 9), the chronicler has largely used Adam of Bremen’s Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum, apparently in a manuscript belonging to the Danish tradition (SCHMEIDLER’s group B; SCHMEIDLER 1917, XL n. 3, cf. DANSTRUP 1943, 6, and KRISTENSEN 1975, 20; cf. below, and see Composition and style). However, on some points the chronicle’s paraphrase of Adam is closer to the A version than any of the extant B texts (e.g. the name of the first bishop of Schleswig: Chron. Rosk. Hericum (GERTZ 1917–1918, 18 line 23); Adam 2:4, A text Horitu or Haredum; B and C texts Haroldum (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 64 line 15 with apparatus); and Poppo’s ordeal: Chron. Rosk. ferrum candens in manu gestauit (GERTZ 1917–1918, 21 line 19) Adam 2:35, A text, ferrum ignitum gestasse manu; B text ferrum ignitum tractasse manu; C text ignitum ferrum manu tulisse (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 96 lines 4–5 with apparatus); cf. KRISTENSEN 1975, 21–22), and some cases of correspondence with the C version have also been noted. DANSTRUP 1943, 6, 75, and KRISTENSEN 1975, 20–22, suggest that the Roskilde chronicler may have used the exemplar of the crucial twelfth-century Sorø manuscript of Adam that was lost in the fire of Copenhagen in 1728; generally, however, the Roskilde chronicle is closer to SCHMEIDLER’s MS B1b. In all likelihood the Adam manuscript used by the Roskilde chronicler was the ancestor both of the Sorø manuscript and of the rest of the manuscripts in SCHMEIDLER’s B group (this seems more likely than Bolin’s hypothesis that the different branches of the purely Danish B transmission of Adam should each be descended directly from the archetype; BOLIN 1948, 155: although the B1 transmission was based presumably on a now lost late medieval manuscript in Schleswig where direct textual transmission from Hamburg might be a distinct possibility, that manuscript seems to have contained additional material of purely Danish relevance; KRISTENSEN 1975, 86–87).

	The chronicler has treated Adam’s text quite freely (see Composition and style). The main thrust of the changes is to present the Danish kingdom in a more favourable light than in Adam’s history, stressing the continuity of Christianity in the kingdom since St. Ansgar’s mission in 826 and eliminating the participation of Danish kings in the great Viking assaults upon the Carolingian empire, and to reduce the role of the see of Hamburg–Bremen in the conversion of Denmark (HEMMINGSEN 1996, 221–72). A case in point is the final Christianization of Denmark under Harald Bluetooth (BOLIN 1931, 45, 50, 80; HEMMINGSEN 1996, 257–59): Adam 2:3 describes Harald’s baptism and Emperor Otto’s standing as ~~godparent~~ to his son Sven (Forkbeard) as part of the conclusion of peace after a bloody war in which Harald was subjugated and received his kingdom back at the emperor’s hands (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 62–64); the Roskilde Chronicle instead presents Harald as already a Christian before the death of his father Gorm, building churches and calling in priests from England and Saxony, thereby gaining the archbishop’s and the emperor’s friendship and the latter’s becoming ~~godparent~~ to his son:		The chronicler has treated Adam’s text quite freely (see Composition and style). The main thrust of the changes is to present the Danish kingdom in a more favourable light than in Adam’s history, stressing the continuity of Christianity in the kingdom since St. Ansgar’s mission in 826 and eliminating the participation of Danish kings in the great Viking assaults upon the Carolingian empire, and to reduce the role of the see of Hamburg–Bremen in the conversion of Denmark (HEMMINGSEN 1996, 221–72). A case in point is the final Christianization of Denmark under Harald Bluetooth (BOLIN 1931, 45, 50, 80; HEMMINGSEN 1996, 257–59): Adam 2:3 describes Harald’s baptism and Emperor Otto’s standing as godfather to his son Sven (Forkbeard) as part of the conclusion of peace after a bloody war in which Harald was subjugated and received his kingdom back at the emperor’s hands (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 62–64); the Roskilde Chronicle instead presents Harald as already a Christian before the death of his father Gorm, building churches and calling in priests from England and Saxony, thereby gaining the archbishop’s and the emperor’s friendship and the latter’s becoming godfather to his son:

	Vnde uenerabili Adaldago episcopo et Ottoni Augusto amicus et ualde familiaris fuit, adeo ut filium eius baptizatum a sacro fonte <leuauerit> et Swen Otto uocauerit (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~1816–18~~). (Hence he was a very intimate friend of the venerable Bishop Adaldag and Emperor Otto, so much so that the latter raised Harald's son from the sacred font after he had been baptized and named him Sven Otto.)		Vnde uenerabili Adaldago episcopo et Ottoni Augusto amicus et ualde familiaris fuit, adeo ut filium eius baptizatum a sacro fonte <leuauerit> et Swen Otto uocauerit (GERTZ 1917–1918, 18 lines 16–18). (Hence he was a very intimate friend of the venerable Bishop Adaldag and Emperor Otto, so much so that the latter raised Harald's son from the sacred font after he had been baptized and named him Sven Otto.)

	Cf. Adam: Nec mora baptizatus est ipse Haroldus cum uxore Gunhild et filio parvulo, quem rex noster a sacro fonte susceptum Suenotto vocavit (SCHMEIDLER 1917, ~~6315–641~~). (~~Without delay Harald~~ himself was baptized together with his wife ~~Gunhild~~ and ~~their infant~~ son, whom our ~~ruler took~~ up from the sacred font and named Sven Otto.)		Cf. Adam: Nec mora baptizatus est ipse Haroldus cum uxore Gunhild et filio parvulo, quem rex noster a sacro fonte susceptum Suenotto vocavit (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 63 line 15–64 line 1 with apparatus). (Not long after Harold himself was baptized together with his wife Gunnhild, and his little son, whom our king raised up from the sacred font and named Sven Otto. [TSCHAN 1959, 56])

	In other cases the transformation may be no more than a confusion through hasty reading of Adam, e.g. the wars between Sven Forkbeard and the kings of Norway and Sweden, where the Roskilde chronicler inverts the roles of Olaf of Norway and Olaf of Sweden (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~1912–20~~, cf. Adam 2:39–41, SCHMEIDLER 1917, 99–101). The chronicler’s assigning to specific sees of some of the missionary bishops mentioned by Adam (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~1824–193~~, cf. SCHMEIDLER 1917, ~~859–12~~, ~~11822–1192~~) is likely to be pure conjecture (thus GELTING 1992, 67 n.42, for Ribe; the Roskilde chronicle is accepted on this point by RADTKE 1992, 101–2 n.61, on the basis of copious but hardly conclusive discussion in earlier research).		In other cases the transformation may be no more than a confusion through hasty reading of Adam, e.g. the wars between Sven Forkbeard and the kings of Norway and Sweden, where the Roskilde chronicler inverts the roles of Olaf of Norway and Olaf of Sweden (GERTZ 1917–1918, 19 lines 12–20, cf. Adam 2:39–41, SCHMEIDLER 1917, 99–101). The chronicler’s assigning to specific sees of some of the missionary bishops mentioned by Adam (GERTZ 1917–1918, 18 line24–19 line 3, cf. SCHMEIDLER 1917, 85 line 9–12, 118 line 22–119 line 2) is likely to be pure conjecture (thus GELTING 1992, 67 n.42, for Ribe; the Roskilde chronicle is accepted on this point by RADTKE 1992, 101–2 n.61, on the basis of copious but hardly conclusive discussion in earlier research).

	In a few cases, however, the changes to Adam’s version include additional information which must be derived from other sources. The date 826 for King Harald (Klak)’s baptism at Mainz (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~141–2~~) is not in Adam and must depend on an annalistic source. Adam’s tale of the Vikings’ depredations in the Frankish kingdom in the later ninth century (Adam 1:37–39) has in part been replaced by a version of the story of Ragnar Lothbrok’s sons, probably from an English source, since several English names are mentioned, though in part disfigured beyond recognition (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~1612–14~~: Ibi reges Nordumbrorum Ielle atque Osbertus ceciderunt, ac Denunolf et Berrunolf de prelio fugerunt); in this part of the chronicle, the martyrdom of St. Edmund at the hands of the Vikings (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~1614–18~~) is also given in words different from the only Adam text that mentions it (SCHMEIDLER’s text B1b; SCHMEIDLER 1917, ~~4021–28~~). The re-erection of the churches in Schleswig and Ribe and the founding of a church in Århus are ascribed to a King Frothi who is unknown to Adam (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~1710–14~~).		In a few cases, however, the changes to Adam’s version include additional information which must be derived from other sources. The date 826 for King Harald (Klak)’s baptism at Mainz (GERTZ 1917–1918, 14 lines 1–2) is not in Adam and must depend on an annalistic source. Adam’s tale of the Vikings’ depredations in the Frankish kingdom in the later ninth century (Adam 1:37–39) has in part been replaced by a version of the story of Ragnar Lothbrok’s sons, probably from an English source, since several English names are mentioned, though in part disfigured beyond recognition (GERTZ 1917–1918, 16 lines 12–14: Ibi reges Nordumbrorum Ielle atque Osbertus ceciderunt, ac Denunolf et Berrunolf de prelio fugerunt); in this part of the chronicle, the martyrdom of St. Edmund at the hands of the Vikings (GERTZ 1917–1918, 16 lines 14–18) is also given in words different from the only Adam text that mentions it (SCHMEIDLER’s text B1b; SCHMEIDLER 1917, 40 lines 21–28). The re-erection of the churches in Schleswig and Ribe and the founding of a church in Århus are ascribed to a King Frothi who is unknown to Adam (GERTZ 1917–1918, 17 lines 10–14).

	MUNCH 1851–1852, 52–55, showed that the likely explanation of the appearance of this King Frothi is a misunderstanding by Henry of Huntingdon in his Latin translation of the Anglo-Saxon poem on the battle of Brunanburh: in Henry’s Historia Anglorum the original poem’s epithet for the Scottish King Constantine, froda (wise), has been rendered as the name of a “Norman” King Froda (book 5, ch. 19; GREENWAY 1996, 312). Munch was not aware that the last chapter of the Roskilde chronicle was a later continuation and thus dated the chronicle as a whole to the reign of Valdemar I (1157–1182) (MUNCH 1851–1852, 48). As the original text of the chronicle should be dated 1138 (see Date and place), MUNCH’s hypothesis might now be considered problematic, since the earliest versions of Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum do not seem to have been circulated until after March 1133 (GREENWAY 1996, LXVII–LXX; KRISTENSEN 1969, 123, does not seem to be aware of this problem), and HEMMINGSEN 1996, 249–50, assumes that the Roskilde chronicler only knew of Henry of Huntingdon’s King Froda orally from an English informant. However, several elements in the Roskilde chronicle’s tale of the sons of Ragnar Lothbrok are closely cognate to Henry of Huntingdon, book 5, ch. 2, 5 and 33–34 (GREENWAY 1996, 276, 280–82, 334), even though there is no verbal correspondence: the killing of the Northumbrian Kings Osbricht and Ælla (Historia Anglorum, 5:5, cf. 5:33) is immediately followed by the martyrdom of St. Edmund (Historia Anglorum, 5:5). The Roskilde chronicle says of the ravages of Lothbrok’s sons: Hec prima Nordumbrorum plaga taliter gesta est in Anglia (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~1618–19~~); this numbering of the scourges of Northumbria has no parallels in the rest of the Roskilde chronicle and appears rather pointless, but it corresponds to an important interpretive theme in Henry of Huntingdon’s work (PARTNER 1977, 22–28; GREENWAY 1996, LIX). Finally, the Roskilde chronicle’s Denunolf and Berrunolf who were put to flight by Lothbrok’s sons (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~1613–14~~) seem to be scribal corruptions of Kings Æthelwulf of Wessex and Berhtwulf of Mercia (the sixteenth-century collector Petrus Olai’s complete copy of the Roskilde chronicle has the names as Denuuolf and Berruuolf, but in his excerpts from the chronicle he gives the names as Ethewald or Adelwolff and Bertimwald or Berthwolff; Petrus Olai may have used an otherwise unknown manuscript of the chronicle; GERTZ 1917–1918, 16, cf. 9 and 11, cf. LANGEBEK 1772b, 114); the source is likely to be Henry of Huntingdon’s regnal list in ch. 5:34, where Berhtwulf’s flight is mentioned just after the killing of Osbricht and Ælla (GREENWAY 1996, 334), conflated with his account of the wars in 843, where Berhtwulf’s defeat is linked to Æthelwulf’s fighting against the Danes (Historia Anglorum, 5:2; GREENWAY 1996, 276). Henry of Huntingdon’s work immediately gained a wide audience in England (GREENWAY 1996, LXI–LXII), and the Roskilde chronicle’s account of the English wars of Lothbrok’s sons and its introduction of the unhistorical King Frothi open a strong ~~possibility~~ that a copy of Henry’s work (or perhaps only of book 5) had been brought to Denmark by 1138.		MUNCH 1851–1852, 52–55, showed that the likely explanation of the appearance of this King Frothi is a misunderstanding by Henry of Huntingdon in his Latin translation of the Anglo-Saxon poem on the battle of Brunanburh: in Henry’s Historia Anglorum the original poem’s epithet for the Scottish King Constantine, froda (wise), has been rendered as the name of a “Norman” King Froda (book 5, ch. 19; GREENWAY 1996, 312). Munch was not aware that the last chapter of the Roskilde chronicle was a later continuation and thus dated the chronicle as a whole to the reign of Valdemar I (1157–1182) (MUNCH 1851–1852, 48). As the original text of the chronicle should be dated 1138 (see Date and place), MUNCH’s hypothesis might now be considered problematic, since the earliest versions of Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum do not seem to have been circulated until after March 1133 (GREENWAY 1996, LXVII–LXX; KRISTENSEN 1969, 123, does not seem to be aware of this problem), and HEMMINGSEN 1996, 249–50, assumes that the Roskilde chronicler only knew of Henry of Huntingdon’s King Froda orally from an English informant. However, several elements in the Roskilde chronicle’s tale of the sons of Ragnar Lothbrok are closely cognate to Henry of Huntingdon, book 5, ch. 2, 5 and 33–34 (GREENWAY 1996, 276, 280–82, 334), even though there is no verbal correspondence: the killing of the Northumbrian Kings Osbricht and Ælla (Historia Anglorum, 5:5, cf. 5:33) is immediately followed by the martyrdom of St. Edmund (Historia Anglorum, 5:5). The Roskilde chronicle says of the ravages of Lothbrok’s sons: Hec prima Nordumbrorum plaga taliter gesta est in Anglia (GERTZ 1917–1918, 16 lines 18–19); this numbering of the scourges of Northumbria has no parallels in the rest of the Roskilde chronicle and appears rather pointless, but it corresponds to an important interpretive theme in Henry of Huntingdon’s work (PARTNER 1977, 22–28; GREENWAY 1996, LIX). Finally, the Roskilde chronicle’s Denunolf and Berrunolf who were put to flight by Lothbrok’s sons (GERTZ 1917–1918, 16 lines 13–14) seem to be scribal corruptions of Kings Æthelwulf of Wessex and Berhtwulf of Mercia (the sixteenth-century collector Petrus Olai’s complete copy of the Roskilde chronicle has the names as Denuuolf and Berruuolf, but in his excerpts from the chronicle he gives the names as Ethewald or Adelwolff and Bertimwald or Berthwolff; Petrus Olai may have used an otherwise unknown manuscript of the chronicle; GERTZ 1917–1918, 16, cf. 9 and 11, cf. LANGEBEK 1772b, 114); the source is likely to be Henry of Huntingdon’s regnal list in ch. 5:34, where Berhtwulf’s flight is mentioned just after the killing of Osbricht and Ælla (GREENWAY 1996, 334), conflated with his account of the wars in 843, where Berhtwulf’s defeat is linked to Æthelwulf’s fighting against the Danes (Historia Anglorum, 5:2; GREENWAY 1996, 276). Henry of Huntingdon’s work immediately gained a wide audience in England (GREENWAY 1996, LXI–LXII), and the Roskilde chronicle’s account of the English wars of Lothbrok’s sons and its introduction of the unhistorical King Frothi open a strong likelihood that a copy of Henry’s work (or perhaps only of book 5) had been brought to Denmark by 1138.

	However, Henry of Huntingdon cannot account for every detail in this part of the Roskilde chronicle. Henry ignores that the Danish chieftains Hinguar and Ubbe were Lothbrok’s sons, and he only knows these two names, while the Roskilde chronicle names five sons of Lothbrok, of which two, Ywar and Ingvar, are obviously a duplication of the same name. Adam of Bremen says that Ingvar was the son of Lodparch (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 402–5) and is thus a likely source of the Roskilde chronicle’s form of Lothbrok’s name, Lothpardus (GERTZ 1917–1918, 162; HEMMINGSEN 1996, 295); but Adam makes no mention of Ingvar’s brothers. Moreover, the Roskilde chronicle is the earliest extant text to mention the legendary feature that Ingvar/Ivar was “boneless” (HEMMINGSEN 1996, 295–97). Thus the Roskilde chronicle must have had access to some additional, but as yet unidentified, source for these details (HEMMINGSEN 1996, 295, suspects influence from William of Jumièges, but it cannot be demonstrated that the Roskilde chronicler knew this text). The Roskilde chronicle’s description of St. Edmund’s martyrdom, that he was flagellatus ac deinde sagittatus, ad ultimum decollatus (GERTZ 1917–1918, 1616–17), has more details than Henry of Huntingdon’s sagittis impiorum ad stipitem undique transuerberatus (with no mention of flagellation or decapitation; GREENWAY 1996, 282–83 with n. 37). The story cannot have been taken from Adam of Bremen: though the only Adam manuscript to mention the death of St. Edmund is SCHMEIDLER’s MS B1b (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 4021–28) which probably is derived indirectly from the Adam manuscript used by the Roskilde chronicler, the passage in question is likely to have been a marginal note added to the late fourteenth or early fifteenth-century manuscript from which B1b was copied (cf. OTTO 1930, 17). At this point the chronicler may have drawn directly upon Abbo of Fleury’s Life of St. Edmund (WINTERBOTTOM 1972, 78–79; HEMMINGSEN 1996, 238, although HEMMINGSEN’s argument from the existence in Copenhagen of an early manuscript of Abbo’s text is unwarranted: the manuscript in question, Copenhagen, Royal Library, GKS 1588 4°, came to Copenhagen through the collections of the Dukes of Schleswig-Holstein at Gottorp from the French abbey of Saint-Denis, where it was still in the fifteenth century; JØRGENSEN 1926, 189–90). Abbo’s Life might also explain why the Roskilde Chronicle says of the invasion of England by Lothbrok’s sons: Hec prima Nordumbrorum plaga taliter gesta est in Anglia (This first plague of the Northumbrians ocurred in England thus), while Henry of Huntingdon counts the Danes as England’s fourth scourge (GREENWAY 1996, 14); this might be based upon Abbo’s predicti duces Hinguar et Hubba Nordanimbrorum primitus aggressi expugnare prouinciam graui depopulatione totam peruagantur ex ordine (WINTERBOTTOM 1972, 72). (The aforesaid leaders, Ingvar and Ubbe, began to subdue the province of Northumbria for the first time and ranged over the whole of it progressively, wreaking severe devastation.)		However, Henry of Huntingdon cannot account for every detail in this part of the Roskilde chronicle. Henry ignores that the Danish chieftains Hinguar and Ubbe were Lothbrok’s sons, and he only knows these two names, while the Roskilde chronicle names five sons of Lothbrok, of which two, Ywar and Ingvar, are obviously a duplication of the same name. Adam of Bremen says that Ingvar was the son of Lodparch (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 402–5) and is thus a likely source of the Roskilde chronicle’s form of Lothbrok’s name, Lothpardus (GERTZ 1917–1918, 162; HEMMINGSEN 1996, 295); but Adam makes no mention of Ingvar’s brothers. Moreover, the Roskilde chronicle is the earliest extant text to mention the legendary feature that Ingvar/Ivar was “boneless” (HEMMINGSEN 1996, 295–97). Thus the Roskilde chronicle must have had access to some additional, but as yet unidentified, source for these details (HEMMINGSEN 1996, 295, suspects influence from William of Jumièges, but it cannot be demonstrated that the Roskilde chronicler knew this text). The Roskilde chronicle’s description of St. Edmund’s martyrdom, that he was flagellatus ac deinde sagittatus, ad ultimum decollatus (GERTZ 1917–1918, 1616–17), has more details than Henry of Huntingdon’s sagittis impiorum ad stipitem undique transuerberatus (with no mention of flagellation or decapitation; GREENWAY 1996, 282–83 with n. 37). The story cannot have been taken from Adam of Bremen: though the only Adam manuscript to mention the death of St. Edmund is SCHMEIDLER’s MS B1b (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 4021–28) which probably is derived indirectly from the Adam manuscript used by the Roskilde chronicler, the passage in question is likely to have been a marginal note added to the late fourteenth or early fifteenth-century manuscript from which B1b was copied (cf. OTTO 1930, 17). At this point the chronicler may have drawn directly upon Abbo of Fleury’s Life of St. Edmund (WINTERBOTTOM 1972, 78–79; HEMMINGSEN 1996, 238, although HEMMINGSEN’s argument from the existence in Copenhagen of an early manuscript of Abbo’s text is unwarranted: the manuscript in question, Copenhagen, Royal Library, GKS 1588 4°, came to Copenhagen through the collections of the Dukes of Schleswig-Holstein at Gottorp from the French abbey of Saint-Denis, where it was still in the fifteenth century; JØRGENSEN 1926, 189–90). Abbo’s Life might also explain why the Roskilde Chronicle says of the invasion of England by Lothbrok’s sons: Hec prima Nordumbrorum plaga taliter gesta est in Anglia (This first plague of the Northumbrians ocurred in England thus), while Henry of Huntingdon counts the Danes as England’s fourth scourge (GREENWAY 1996, 14); this might be based upon Abbo’s predicti duces Hinguar et Hubba Nordanimbrorum primitus aggressi expugnare prouinciam graui depopulatione totam peruagantur ex ordine (WINTERBOTTOM 1972, 72). (The aforesaid leaders, Ingvar and Ubbe, began to subdue the province of Northumbria for the first time and ranged over the whole of it progressively, wreaking severe devastation.)

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	Deinde Traiectum oppidum inuadunt urbemque solo tenus prosternunt, in qua Rabodo tunc claruit episcopus. Ad ultimum Renum transeunt, Coloniam et Treueros incendunt, Aquisgrani stabulum equis suis fecerunt, urbes cum ciuibus, mulieres cum infantibus in ore gladii trucidauerunt, ecclesias sanctas cum fidelibus aut incenderunt aut subuerterunt. Maguncia ob metum eorum instaurari cepit. Tunc Fresia eciam a Danis depopulata est (GERTZ 1917–1918, 17 lines1-9, without GERTZ’s emendations). (Next they attacked the town of Utrecht, in which Radbod was then the illustrious bishop, and razed it to the ground. Finally they crossed the Rhine, burnt Cologne and Trier, made a stable for their horses in Aachen, and slaughtered these towns’ citizens, men, women and children at the point of the sword; they also burnt and destroyed the holy churches, together with the faithful. In Mainz the people began to build fortifications for fear of the enemy. At that time Frisia too was laid waste by the Danes.); cf. Adam 1:38 in the B1 version (see Sources):		Deinde Traiectum oppidum inuadunt urbemque solo tenus prosternunt, in qua Rabodo tunc claruit episcopus. Ad ultimum Renum transeunt, Coloniam et Treueros incendunt, Aquisgrani stabulum equis suis fecerunt, urbes cum ciuibus, mulieres cum infantibus in ore gladii trucidauerunt, ecclesias sanctas cum fidelibus aut incenderunt aut subuerterunt. Maguncia ob metum eorum instaurari cepit. Tunc Fresia eciam a Danis depopulata est (GERTZ 1917–1918, 17 lines1-9, without GERTZ’s emendations). (Next they attacked the town of Utrecht, in which Radbod was then the illustrious bishop, and razed it to the ground. Finally they crossed the Rhine, burnt Cologne and Trier, made a stable for their horses in Aachen, and slaughtered these towns’ citizens, men, women and children at the point of the sword; they also burnt and destroyed the holy churches, together with the faithful. In Mainz the people began to build fortifications for fear of the enemy. At that time Frisia too was laid waste by the Danes.); cf. Adam 1:38 in the B1 version (see Sources):

	Tunc Fresia depopulata est, Traiectum civitas excisa. Sanctus Rabodus, urbis episcopus, cedens persecutioni Dauandrie sedem constituit, ibique consistens anathematis gladio in paganos ultus est. Tunc piratae Coloniam et Treveros incendunt. Aquasgrani palatium stabulum equis suis fecerunt. Mogontia vero propter metum barbarorum instaurari cepit. Quid multa? Urbes cum civibus, episcopi cum toto (g)rege simul obruti sunt. Ecclesiae illustres cum fidelibus incensae sunt (SCHMEIDLER 1917, ~~413–11~~ with apparatus).		Tunc Fresia depopulata est, Traiectum civitas excisa. Sanctus Rabodus, urbis episcopus, cedens persecutioni Dauandrie sedem constituit, ibique consistens anathematis gladio in paganos ultus est. Tunc piratae Coloniam et Treveros incendunt. Aquasgrani palatium stabulum equis suis fecerunt. Mogontia vero propter metum barbarorum instaurari cepit. Quid multa? Urbes cum civibus, episcopi cum toto (g)rege simul obruti sunt. Ecclesiae illustres cum fidelibus incensae sunt (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 4 lines 13–11 with apparatus).

	(~~Friesland~~ was ~~then~~ laid waste and the ~~township~~ of Utrecht ~~demolished. St~~. Radbod, the ~~city’s bishop~~, ~~retreating from~~ the persecution, ~~established~~ his see in Deventer and, taking his stand there, ~~punished~~ the ~~heathens~~ with the ~~weapon~~ of ~~a solemn curse~~. ~~After that~~ the ~~marauders burnt~~ Cologne and Trier. ~~The~~ palace at Aachen ~~they turned into a stable for horses~~. ~~However, owing~~ to fear of the barbarians~~, Mainz began to be fortified~~. ~~Need I~~ say more? Cities ~~and citizens~~, bishops ~~and all~~ their flocks were struck down at one ~~and the same~~ time. ~~Famous~~ churches were ~~burnt, together~~ with the faithful.)		(At that time Frisia was laid waste and the city of Utrecht razed. Saint Radbod, bishop of the town, retired before the persecution, fixed his see at Deventer and, taking his stand there, took vengeance on the pagans with the sword of anathema. Then the pirates set fire to Cologne and Trier. They stabled their horses in the palace at Aachen. The people of Mainz began to erect fortifications for fear of the barbarians. Why say more? Cities with their inhabitants, bishops wih their whole flocks were struck down at one time. Stately churches were burned with the faithful. [TSCHAN 1959, 37-8, slightly modified by author])

	The chronicler similarly rearranges Adam’s text when re-using a rhetorical passage from the latter’s panegyric of Archbishop Bescelin Alebrand for his own characterisation of Bishop Sven of Roskilde (cf. STEENSTRUP 1892–1894, 690; BREENGAARD 1982, 61):		The chronicler similarly rearranges Adam’s text when re-using a rhetorical passage from the latter’s panegyric of Archbishop Bescelin Alebrand for his own characterisation of Bishop Sven of Roskilde (cf. STEENSTRUP 1892–1894, 690; BREENGAARD 1982, 61):

	Terror male faciencium, remuneracio beniuolencium, pater patrie, cleri et salus populi, egregius pietate et qui omnia uellet ad perfectum ducere (GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~237–9~~, without GERTZ’s emendations). (A terror to evil doers, recompense for the benvolent, father of his country, salvation of clergy and people, outstanding in his piety and one who wished to bring all things to perfection.); cf. Adam 2:69 in the B1 version (see Sources):		Terror male faciencium, remuneracio beniuolencium, pater patrie, cleri et salus populi, egregius pietate et qui omnia uellet ad perfectum ducere (GERTZ 1917–1918, 23 lines 7–9, without GERTZ’s emendations). (A terror to evil doers, recompense for the benvolent, father of his country, salvation of clergy and people, outstanding in his piety and one who wished to bring all things to perfection.); cf. Adam 2:69 in the B1 version (see Sources):

	... pater patriae fuit, decus cleri et salus populi, terror male potentium, exemplar benivolentium, egregius pietate vel qui omnia vellet ad perfectum ducere (SCHMEIDLER 1917, ~~13011–14~~ with apparatus).		... pater patriae fuit, decus cleri et salus populi, terror male potentium, exemplar benivolentium, egregius pietate vel qui omnia vellet ad perfectum ducere (SCHMEIDLER 1917, 130 lines 11–14 with apparatus).

	(He was father to his country, ~~glory~~ of the clergy ~~and~~ salvation ~~for~~ the people, ~~a terror to~~ evildoers, ~~a pattern~~ for the benevolent, ~~outstanding~~ in ~~his~~ piety~~, indeed one who wished~~ to bring ~~all things~~ to perfection.)		(He was the father of his country, the splendor of the clergy, the salvation of the people, the dread of powerful evildoers, an exemplar for the benevolent, surpassing in piety and in wishing to bring everything to perfection.[TSCHAN 1959, 103-4])
	For the intentions behind the chronicler’s re-arranging of Adam’s text, see Sources and Purpose and audience.		For the intentions behind the chronicler’s re-arranging of Adam’s text, see Sources and Purpose and audience.

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	* DE WESTPHALEN, E.J. 1739: Monumenta inedita Rerum Germanicarum, præcipue Cimbricarum et Megapolensium, 1, 1408–1418, Lipsiæ (Based upon Hamburg, Staatsarchiv, MS 61 fol.; extremely faulty).		* DE WESTPHALEN, E.J. 1739: Monumenta inedita Rerum Germanicarum, præcipue Cimbricarum et Megapolensium, 1, 1408–1418, Lipsiæ (Based upon Hamburg, Staatsarchiv, MS 61 fol.; extremely faulty).
	* LANGEBEK, J. 1772a: SRD 1, Copenhagen, 373–87 (Based upon AM 107 8°).		* LANGEBEK, J. 1772a: SRD 1, Copenhagen, 373–87 (Based upon AM 107 8°).
	* LAPPENBERG, J. M. 1834: “Dänische Annalen, ein Nachtrag zu Langebek Scriptores rerum Danicarum,’ p. 187–252 in Archiv für Staats- und Kirchengeschichte der Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg 2, p. 194–98. Altona (Variant readings compared with LANGEBEK 1772a and corrections to DE WESTPHALEN 1739, from Hamburg, Staatsarchiv, MS 61 fol.).		* LAPPENBERG, J. M. 1834: “Dänische Annalen, ein Nachtrag zu Langebek Scriptores rerum Danicarum," p. 187–252 in Archiv für Staats- und Kirchengeschichte der Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg 2, p. 194–98. Altona (Variant readings compared with LANGEBEK 1772a and corrections to DE WESTPHALEN 1739, from Hamburg, Staatsarchiv, MS 61 fol.).
	* WAITZ, G. 1892: MGH SS 29, 21–26, Hannover (Excerpts; based upon Kiel, University Library, MS S.H. 8, A. 8°).		* WAITZ, G. 1892: MGH SS 29, 21–26, Hannover (Excerpts; based upon Kiel, University Library, MS S.H. 8, A. 8°).
	* • GERTZ, M.CL. 1917–1918: SMD 1, 1–33, Copenhagen (repr. Copenhagen 1970) (Based upon all manuscripts).		* • GERTZ, M.CL. 1917–1918: SMD 1, 1–33, Copenhagen (repr. Copenhagen 1970) (Based upon all manuscripts).
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	* (Danish) OLRIK, J. 1898: Den ældste Danmarkskrønike (Roskildekrøniken), Copenhagen.		* (Danish) OLRIK, J. 1898: Den ældste Danmarkskrønike (Roskildekrøniken), Copenhagen.
	* (Danish) FANG, L. 1979: Roskildekrøniken: den ældste Danmarkshistorie, ill. by E. Hjorth Nielsen. Copenhagen (Reproduces OLRIK 1898, with modernization of the language).		* (Danish) FANG, L. 1979: Roskildekrøniken: den ældste Danmarkshistorie, ill. by E. Hjorth Nielsen. Copenhagen (Reproduces OLRIK 1898, with modernization of the language).
	* • (Danish) GELTING, M.H. 1979: Roskildekrøniken, ill. by E. Gorst-Rasmussen, Højbjerg (Based upon GERTZ 1917–1918, but eliminating some of GERTZ’s conjectural emendations; with commentary).		* • (Danish) GELTING, M.H. 1979: Roskildekrøniken, ill. by E. Gorst-Rasmussen, Højbjerg (Based upon GERTZ 1917–1918, but eliminating some of GERTZ’s conjectural emendations; with commentary). Revised ed. 2002.

	===Date and place===		===Date and place===

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	by Michael H. Gelting		by Michael H. Gelting

	The Roskilde Chronicle (Chronicon Roskildense) is the earliest Danish historical chronicle, having been written in 1137/38 by an anonymous author at the episcopal see of Roskilde, most probably a canon of the cathedral chapter. In its formulation a short history of the Danish Church and people, it is heavily dependent upon Adam of Bremen for its depiction of Danish history from the ninth to the mid-eleventh century, but from the foundation of the cathedral chapter of Roskilde in the third quarter of the eleventh century the chronicle becomes the main narrative source for Danish history until it ends in 1138. A short, later continuation is mainly derived from known narrative sources. It covers principally the civil wars until their end in 1157, but mentions the reigns of the three following kings, Valdemar I, Knud VI and Valdemar II (the “Valdemarians”, 1157–1241).		The '''Roskilde Chronicle''' (Chronicon Roskildense) is the earliest Danish historical chronicle, having been written in 1137/38 by an anonymous author at the episcopal see of Roskilde, most probably a canon of the cathedral chapter. In its formulation a short history of the Danish Church and people, it is heavily dependent upon Adam of Bremen for its depiction of Danish history from the ninth to the mid-eleventh century, but from the foundation of the cathedral chapter of Roskilde in the third quarter of the eleventh century the chronicle becomes the main narrative source for Danish history until it ends in 1138. A short, later continuation is mainly derived from known narrative sources. It covers principally the civil wars until their end in 1157, but mentions the reigns of the three following kings, Valdemar I, Knud VI and Valdemar II (the “Valdemarians”, 1157–1241).

	====Title====		====Title====

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			by Michael H. Gelting

	The Roskilde Chronicle (Chronicon Roskildense) is the earliest Danish historical chronicle, having been written in 1137/38 by an anonymous author at the episcopal see of Roskilde, most probably a canon of the cathedral chapter. In its formulation a short history of the Danish Church and people, it is heavily dependent upon Adam of Bremen for its depiction of Danish history from the ninth to the mid-eleventh century, but from the foundation of the cathedral chapter of Roskilde in the third quarter of the eleventh century the chronicle becomes the main narrative source for Danish history until it ends in 1138. A short, later continuation is mainly derived from known narrative sources. It covers principally the civil wars until their end in 1157, but mentions the reigns of the three following kings, Valdemar I, Knud VI and Valdemar II (the “Valdemarians”, 1157–1241).		The Roskilde Chronicle (Chronicon Roskildense) is the earliest Danish historical chronicle, having been written in 1137/38 by an anonymous author at the episcopal see of Roskilde, most probably a canon of the cathedral chapter. In its formulation a short history of the Danish Church and people, it is heavily dependent upon Adam of Bremen for its depiction of Danish history from the ninth to the mid-eleventh century, but from the foundation of the cathedral chapter of Roskilde in the third quarter of the eleventh century the chronicle becomes the main narrative source for Danish history until it ends in 1138. A short, later continuation is mainly derived from known narrative sources. It covers principally the civil wars until their end in 1157, but mentions the reigns of the three following kings, Valdemar I, Knud VI and Valdemar II (the “Valdemarians”, 1157–1241).

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	*• WEIBULL, L. 1928: “Nekrologierna från Lund, Roskildekrönikan och Saxo. Grunddrag i Danmarks historia under det 12. århundradet,” Scandia 1, 84–112.		*• WEIBULL, L. 1928: “Nekrologierna från Lund, Roskildekrönikan och Saxo. Grunddrag i Danmarks historia under det 12. århundradet,” Scandia 1, 84–112.
	*WINTERBOTTOM, M. (ed.) 1972: Three Lives of English Saints, Toronto.		*WINTERBOTTOM, M. (ed.) 1972: Three Lives of English Saints, Toronto.

	~~Michael H. Gelting~~

	[[Category:Article]]		[[Category:Article]]

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	===Medieval reception and transmission===		===Medieval reception and transmission===
	According to the research of A.K.G. KRISTENSEN, the medieval reception and transmission of the Roskilde chronicle was exclusively centred at the Danish archiepiscopal see of Lund and essentially limited to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Soon after its completion, the chronicle was used there as the backbone of the annals from 1130 to 1137 in the so-called >Annales Colbazenses (KRISTENSEN 1969, 39–41). It continued to be used by the annalists of the archiepiscopal see throughout the twelfth century (KRISTENSEN 1969, 57–58, 60) and, now supplemented by its continuation, well into the thirteenth, culminating with the [[Annales Lundenses]] ca. 1265 (KRISTENSEN 1969, 49 n. 64, 125–26). In the late twelfth century, the historical information of the original text was used by >Sueno Aggonis, >Saxo Grammaticus and the Series ac brevior historia regum Danie ([[Catalogi regum Danorum]]) (WEIBULL 1915, 36–44, 111–12, 122–24, 168–76; KRISTENSEN 1969, 124). Presumably it was also used by the hypothetical, lost chronicle written ca. 1180, favouring the royal line descended from King Nicholas, which is assumed to be the common source of Radulfus Niger and the Series ac brevior historia regum Danie (KRISTENSEN 1969, 124–25; cf. KRISTENSEN 1968–1969). The Roskilde chronicle also served as a stylistic model for the legendary >Chronicon Lethrense, which is now considered to have originated in Lund rather than in Roskilde (KRISTENSEN 1969, 124 n. 21, refuting OLRIK 1899–1900, 224–27, OLRIK 1900–1901, 3–5, and GERTZ 1917–1918, 35–36); for the hypothesis that the Chronicon Lethrense was written to serve as a continuation backwards into heathen times of the Roskilde chronicle, see >Chronicon Lethrense. The Roskilde chronicle was still occasionally copied in the decades around 1300 (cf. below), but it cannot be shown to have had any further influence on Danish historiography until it was “rediscovered” by sixteenth-century historians, beginning with >Petrus Olai (GERTZ 1917–1918, 8).		According to the research of A.K.G. KRISTENSEN, the medieval reception and transmission of the Roskilde chronicle was exclusively centred at the Danish archiepiscopal see of Lund and essentially limited to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Soon after its completion, the chronicle was used there as the backbone of the annals from 1130 to 1137 in the so-called >Annales Colbazenses (KRISTENSEN 1969, 39–41). It continued to be used by the annalists of the archiepiscopal see throughout the twelfth century (KRISTENSEN 1969, 57–58, 60) and, now supplemented by its continuation, well into the thirteenth, culminating with the [[Annales Lundenses]] ca. 1265 (KRISTENSEN 1969, 49 n. 64, 125–26). In the late twelfth century, the historical information of the original text was used by [[Sueno Aggonis]], [[Saxo Grammaticus]] and the Series ac brevior historia regum Danie ([[Catalogi regum Danorum]]) (WEIBULL 1915, 36–44, 111–12, 122–24, 168–76; KRISTENSEN 1969, 124). The Roskilde chronicle also served as a stylistic model for the legendary >Chronicon Lethrense, which is now considered to have originated in Lund rather than in Roskilde (KRISTENSEN 1969, 124 n. 21, refuting OLRIK 1899–1900, 224–27, OLRIK 1900–1901, 3–5, and GERTZ 1917–1918, 35–36); for the hypothesis that the Chronicon Lethrense was written to serve as a continuation backwards into heathen times of the Roskilde chronicle, see >Chronicon Lethrense. The Roskilde chronicle was still occasionally copied in the decades around 1300 (cf. below), but it cannot be shown to have had any further influence on Danish historiography until it was “rediscovered” by sixteenth-century historians, beginning with >Petrus Olai (GERTZ 1917–1918, 8).

	On several important points the stance of the Roskilde chronicle was at variance with the interpretation of Danish history that became dominant towards the end of the twelfth century with the works of [[Saxo Grammaticus]] and [[Sueno Aggonis]]. This is particularly noticeable in the evaluation of the reign and sanctity of King Knud IV (d. 1086): both Saxo and Sueno polemicise against the opinion that Knud was a tyrant whose sanctity was due solely to his deep contrition in the hour of death (~~OLRIK~~ & ~~RÆDER 1931~~, ~~32918–28~~; GERTZ 1917–1918, ~~1264–8~~, ~~1275–9~~), an opinion which corresponds to the Roskilde chronicler’s account of his reign (WEIBULL 1915, 86–90; GERTZ 1917–1918, 8; GAD 1961, 162; cf. WEIBULL 1928, 98; GELTING 1979, 45–47; denied by BREENGAARD 1982, 53–56), or which at least might be easily deduced from it (BREENGAARD 1982, 55). It is true that BREENGAARD is largely justified in his criticism of the WEIBULL brothers’ schematical alignment of the Roskilde chronicle with a “Gregorian” and “democratic” party as against Saxo’s and Sueno’s allegiance to a royal, “absolutist” party (see Purpose and audience). Still, contemporaries certainly had difficulties with reconciling the chronicle with the then dominant interpretation of late eleventh- and early twelfth-century Danish history. This is even reflected in the manuscript transmission of the Roskilde chronicle itself. The only surviving medieval manuscript, Kiel, University Library, S.H. 8 A 8° (cf. below), shows an interesting tampering with the text in the characterization of King Erik the Good, bringing it into line with the current view of Danish history in the thirteenth century: the chronicle’s multas iniquas et iniustas leges adinuenit has been partly erased and transformed into multas bonas et iustas leges adinuenit (GERTZ 1917–1918, 25; KROMAN 1962a, 30 (fol. 57v); GELTING 1979, 75). That the Roskilde chronicle continued to be copied at all may have been due to the huge bulk and stylistic difficulty of Saxo’s Gesta Danorum. If this were so, the appearance of the >Compendium Saxonis in the 1340s might be the reason why there is no trace of the Roskilde chronicle having been copied in the later fourteenth and the whole of the fifteenth centuries.		On several important points the stance of the Roskilde chronicle was at variance with the interpretation of Danish history that became dominant towards the end of the twelfth century with the works of [[Saxo Grammaticus]] and [[Sueno Aggonis]]. This is particularly noticeable in the evaluation of the reign and sanctity of King Knud IV (d. 1086): both Saxo and Sueno polemicise against the opinion that Knud was a tyrant whose sanctity was due solely to his deep contrition in the hour of death (FRIIS-JENSEN & ZEEBERG 2005, vol. 2, 58-60; GERTZ 1917–1918, 126 lines 4–8, 127 lines 5–9), an opinion which corresponds to the Roskilde chronicler’s account of his reign (WEIBULL 1915, 86–90; GERTZ 1917–1918, 8; GAD 1961, 162; cf. WEIBULL 1928, 98; GELTING 1979, 45–47; denied by BREENGAARD 1982, 53–56), or which at least might be easily deduced from it (BREENGAARD 1982, 55). It is true that BREENGAARD is largely justified in his criticism of the WEIBULL brothers’ schematical alignment of the Roskilde chronicle with a “Gregorian” and “democratic” party as against Saxo’s and Sueno’s allegiance to a royal, “absolutist” party (see Purpose and audience). Still, contemporaries certainly had difficulties with reconciling the chronicle with the then dominant interpretation of late eleventh- and early twelfth-century Danish history. This is even reflected in the manuscript transmission of the Roskilde chronicle itself. The only surviving medieval manuscript, Kiel, University Library, S.H. 8 A 8° (cf. below), shows an interesting tampering with the text in the characterization of King Erik the Good, bringing it into line with the current view of Danish history in the thirteenth century: the chronicle’s multas iniquas et iniustas leges adinuenit has been partly erased and transformed into multas bonas et iustas leges adinuenit (GERTZ 1917–1918, 25; KROMAN 1962a, 30 (fol. 57v); GELTING 1979, 75). That the Roskilde chronicle continued to be copied at all may have been due to the huge bulk and stylistic difficulty of Saxo’s Gesta Danorum. If this were so, the appearance of the >Compendium Saxonis in the 1340s might be the reason why there is no trace of the Roskilde chronicle having been copied in the later fourteenth and the whole of the fifteenth centuries.

	The Roskilde chronicle has survived in four manuscripts, only one of which is medieval; Kiel, University Library, S.H. 8, A 8°, a manuscript of the late thirteenth century, containing the >Ordinale sancti Kanuti ducis et martyris, the Roskilde chronicle (lacking the end of the continuation due to the loss of one leaf) and the legend of the monk who was lured away from his monastery by the song of a little bird and upon his return found that he had been away for 200 years (from Maurice de Sully, Latin version B) (GERTZ 1908–1912, 176–78, cf. GERTZ 1917–1918, 8–9; KROMAN 1962b, XIV–XV). The provenance of this manuscript is unknown; GERTZ’s and KROMAN’s assumption that it must have been written in Zealand, probably at the centre of the cult of St. Knud the Duke at the Benedictine abbey of Ringsted or at the see of Roskilde, was founded upon the assumption that the Roskilde chronicle had remained in Roskilde; since A.K.G. KRISTENSEN’s demonstration that the entire medieval reception of the chronicle was based in Lund (cf. above), this assumption is no longer tenable, and the manuscript is likely to have been written at the archiepiscopal see. This manuscript has overall the best text, but is corrupt at some points (GERTZ 1917–1918, 11; cf. above).		The Roskilde chronicle has survived in four manuscripts, only one of which is medieval; Kiel, University Library, S.H. 8, A 8°, a manuscript of the late thirteenth century, containing the >Ordinale sancti Kanuti ducis et martyris, the Roskilde chronicle (lacking the end of the continuation due to the loss of one leaf) and the legend of the monk who was lured away from his monastery by the song of a little bird and upon his return found that he had been away for 200 years (from Maurice de Sully, Latin version B) (GERTZ 1908–1912, 176–78, cf. GERTZ 1917–1918, 8–9; KROMAN 1962b, XIV–XV). The provenance of this manuscript is unknown; GERTZ’s and KROMAN’s assumption that it must have been written in Zealand, probably at the centre of the cult of St. Knud the Duke at the Benedictine abbey of Ringsted or at the see of Roskilde, was founded upon the assumption that the Roskilde chronicle had remained in Roskilde; since A.K.G. KRISTENSEN’s demonstration that the entire medieval reception of the chronicle was based in Lund (cf. above), this assumption is no longer tenable, and the manuscript is likely to have been written at the archiepiscopal see. This manuscript has overall the best text, but is corrupt at some points (GERTZ 1917–1918, 11; cf. above).
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	*DANSTRUP, J. 1943: Esgruserhaandskriftet, en Adam af Bremen-Afskrift af Otto Sperling den Yngre (Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab, Hist.-fil. Skrifter, 1:4), Copenhagen.		*DANSTRUP, J. 1943: Esgruserhaandskriftet, en Adam af Bremen-Afskrift af Otto Sperling den Yngre (Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab, Hist.-fil. Skrifter, 1:4), Copenhagen.
	*• DISSING, J. 1975: “’Augustinsk’ terminologi i danske kilder til den begyndende højmiddelalder,” in Kirkehistoriske samlinger, Copenhagen, 5–33.		*• DISSING, J. 1975: “’Augustinsk’ terminologi i danske kilder til den begyndende højmiddelalder,” in Kirkehistoriske samlinger, Copenhagen, 5–33.
			* FRIIS-JENSEN, K. (ed.), & ZEEBERG, P. (trans.) 2005: Saxo Grammaticus: Gesta Danorum – Danmarkshistorien, 2 vols., Copenhagen.
	*GAD, T. 1961: Legenden i dansk middelalder, Copenhagen.		*GAD, T. 1961: Legenden i dansk middelalder, Copenhagen.
	*• GELTING, M.H. 1979: Roskildekrøniken, Højbjerg.		*• GELTING, M.H. 1979: Roskildekrøniken, Højbjerg.
	GELTING, M.H. 1992: “Ripa (Ribe),” in Archiepiscopatus Lundensis, ed. H. Kluger et al. (Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae occidentalis ab initio usque ad annum MCXCVIII, ser. VI, Britannia, Scotia et Hibernia, Scandinavia, t.II, ed. O. Engels & S. Weinfurter), Stuttgart, 64–75.		*GELTING, M.H. 1992: “Ripa (Ribe),” in Archiepiscopatus Lundensis, ed. H. Kluger et al. (Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae occidentalis ab initio usque ad annum MCXCVIII, ser. VI, Britannia, Scotia et Hibernia, Scandinavia, t.II, ed. O. Engels & S. Weinfurter), Stuttgart, 64–75.
	*• GELTING, M.H. 2002: “Forfatteren og hans tid,” in rev. 2nd ed. of GELTING 1979, 39–94.		*• GELTING, M.H. 2002: “Forfatteren og hans tid,” in rev. 2nd ed. of GELTING 1979, 39–94.
	*• GELTING, M.H. 2004: “Da Eskil ville være ærkebiskop af Roskilde. Roskildekrøniken, Liber daticus Lundensis og det danske ærkesædes ophævelse 1133–1138,” in Ett annat 1100-tal: Individ, kollektiv och kulturella mönster i medeltidens Danmark, ed. P. Carelli, L. Hermanson & H. Sanders, Göteborg/Stockholm, 181–229.		*• GELTING, M.H. 2004: “Da Eskil ville være ærkebiskop af Roskilde. Roskildekrøniken, Liber daticus Lundensis og det danske ærkesædes ophævelse 1133–1138,” in Ett annat 1100-tal: Individ, kollektiv och kulturella mönster i medeltidens Danmark, ed. P. Carelli, L. Hermanson & H. Sanders, Göteborg/Stockholm, 181–229.
			* • GELTING, M.H. 2011: “Two Early Twelfth-Century Views of Denmark’s Christian Past: Ailnoth and the Anonymous of Roskilde,” in Historical Narratives and Christian Identity on a European Periphery: Early History Writing in Northern, East-Central, and Eastern Europe (c. 1070-1200), ed. I.H. Garipzanov (Medieval Texts and Cultures of Northern Europe, 26), Turnhout, 33-55.
	*GERTZ, M.C. 1908–1912: Vitae sanctorum Danorum, Copenhagen.		*GERTZ, M.C. 1908–1912: Vitae sanctorum Danorum, Copenhagen.
	*GREENWAY, D. 1996: Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon: Historia Anglorum. The History of the English People (Oxford Medieval Texts), Oxford.		*GREENWAY, D. 1996: Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon: Historia Anglorum. The History of the English People (Oxford Medieval Texts), Oxford.
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	*KOCH, H. 1950: “Den ældre Middelalder indtil 1241,” in Den danske Kirkes Historie, 1, ed. H. Koch & B. Kornerup, Copenhagen.		*KOCH, H. 1950: “Den ældre Middelalder indtil 1241,” in Den danske Kirkes Historie, 1, ed. H. Koch & B. Kornerup, Copenhagen.
	*KRISTENSEN, A.K.G. 1968–1969: “Knud Magnussens krønike,” HistTD, ser. 12, vol. 3, 431–52.		*KRISTENSEN, A.K.G. 1968–1969: “Knud Magnussens krønike,” HistTD, ser. 12, vol. 3, 431–52.
	• KRISTENSEN, A.K. G.1969: Danmarks ældste Annalistik. Studier over lundensisk Annalskrivning i 12. og 13. Århundrede (Skrifter udgivet af det Historiske Institut ved Københavns Universitet 3), Copenhagen.		*• KRISTENSEN, A.K. G.1969: Danmarks ældste Annalistik. Studier over lundensisk Annalskrivning i 12. og 13. Århundrede (Skrifter udgivet af det Historiske Institut ved Københavns Universitet 3), Copenhagen.
	*KRISTENSEN, A.K.G. 1975: Studien zur Adam von Bremen Überlieferung. Die Wiener Handschrift: Erstredaktion oder später verkürtzte Fassung? — Eine Huitfeldt-Abschrift der Soröer Handschrift (Skrifter udgivet af det Historiske Institut ved Københavns Universitet 5), Copenhagen.		*KRISTENSEN, A.K.G. 1975: Studien zur Adam von Bremen Überlieferung. Die Wiener Handschrift: Erstredaktion oder später verkürtzte Fassung? — Eine Huitfeldt-Abschrift der Soröer Handschrift (Skrifter udgivet af det Historiske Institut ved Københavns Universitet 5), Copenhagen.
	*KROMAN, E. 1962b: “Introduction,” in Codices scriptorum rerum Danicarum phototypice expressi: Primam partem cui insunt chronica, cum Britannica praefatione (CCD 4), Copenhagen, p. VII–XXIII.		*KROMAN, E. 1962b: “Introduction,” in Codices scriptorum rerum Danicarum phototypice expressi: Primam partem cui insunt chronica, cum Britannica praefatione (CCD 4), Copenhagen, p. VII–XXIII.
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	*LUND, N. 1998: Harald Blåtands død og hans begravelse i Roskilde? Roskilde.		*LUND, N. 1998: Harald Blåtands død og hans begravelse i Roskilde? Roskilde.
	*MUNCH, P.A. 1851–1852: “Om den foregivne Kong Frode i Jylland paa Harald Blaatands Tid,” in Norsk Tidsskrift for Videnskab og Litteratur 5, Christiania, 46–55.		*MUNCH, P.A. 1851–1852: “Om den foregivne Kong Frode i Jylland paa Harald Blaatands Tid,” in Norsk Tidsskrift for Videnskab og Litteratur 5, Christiania, 46–55.
			*MÜNSTER-SWENDSEN, M., forthcoming: ”Ralph Niger’s ’Danish’ History and the Intellectual Milieu at Rheims.”
	*NIELSEN, H. 1969: “Roskildekrøniken,” col. 427–428 in KLNM 14, Copenhagen.		*NIELSEN, H. 1969: “Roskildekrøniken,” col. 427–428 in KLNM 14, Copenhagen.
	*NYBO RASMUSSEN, J., see RASMUSSEN, J.N.		*NYBO RASMUSSEN, J., see RASMUSSEN, J.N.
	*OLRIK, J. 1899–1900: “Sagnkrøniken i Lundeårbøgerne,” in HistTD, ser. 7, vol. 2, 222–29.		*OLRIK, J. 1899–1900: “Sagnkrøniken i Lundeårbøgerne,” in HistTD, ser. 7, vol. 2, 222–29.
	*OLRIK, J. (trans.) 1900–1901: Krøniker fra Valdemarstiden, Copenhagen.		*OLRIK, J. (trans.) 1900–1901: Krøniker fra Valdemarstiden, Copenhagen.
	*OLRIK, J. & RÆDER, H. (ed.) 1931: Saxonis Gesta Danorum 1, Copenhagen.
	*OTTO, A. 1930: “Beiträge zur Textgeschichte des Adam von Bremen,” in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 49, 10–55.		*OTTO, A. 1930: “Beiträge zur Textgeschichte des Adam von Bremen,” in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 49, 10–55.
	*PAJUNG, S. 2003: Review of GELTING 2002, in Historie, vol. 2003, 479–82.		*PAJUNG, S. 2003: Review of GELTING 2002, in Historie, vol. 2003, 479–82.
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	*STEENSTRUP, J.(C.H.R.) 1907–1908: “Biskop Vilhelm og Kong Svend,” in HistTD, ser. 8, vol. 1, 1–64.		*STEENSTRUP, J.(C.H.R.) 1907–1908: “Biskop Vilhelm og Kong Svend,” in HistTD, ser. 8, vol. 1, 1–64.
	*STEENSTRUP, J.(C.H.R.) 1932–1934: Review of JØRGENSEN 1931, in HistTD, ser. 10, vol. 2, 369–79.		*STEENSTRUP, J.(C.H.R.) 1932–1934: Review of JØRGENSEN 1931, in HistTD, ser. 10, vol. 2, 369–79.
			*TSCHAN, F.J. 1959: History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen. Translated with an Introduction and Notes, New York.
	*• WEIBULL, C. 1915: Saxo. Kritiska undersökningar i Danmarks historia från Sven Estridsens död till Knut VI, Copenhagen (Also in Historisk tidskrift för Skåneland 6).		*• WEIBULL, C. 1915: Saxo. Kritiska undersökningar i Danmarks historia från Sven Estridsens död till Knut VI, Copenhagen (Also in Historisk tidskrift för Skåneland 6).
	*WEIBULL, L. (ed.) 1923: Necrologium Lundense. Lunds domkyrkas nekrologium, Lund.		*WEIBULL, L. (ed.) 1923: Necrologium Lundense. Lunds domkyrkas nekrologium, Lund.