Ailnothus - Revision history

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	'''Ailnothus''' (Ælnoth) was the author of the earliest known attempt to write an account of the history of Denmark, "The Deeds of King Svend Magnus and his Sons and the Passion of the Most Glorious Knud, King and Martyr" (''Gesta Swenomagni Regis et filiorum eius et passio gloriosissimi Canuti Regis et martyris''). The work depicts the adoption of Christianity in Denmark and emphasizes the role of Svend Estridsen and his sons in consolidating the new religion in the land. The central figure in this process, and the person to whom the overwhelming focus of the work is devoted, is St Knud, who ruled Denmark from 1080 until he was martyred in Odense in 1086.		'''Ailnothus''' (Ælnoth) was the author of the earliest known attempt to write an account of the history of Denmark, "The Deeds of King Svend Magnus and his Sons and the Passion of the Most Glorious Knud, King and Martyr" (''Gesta Swenomagni Regis et filiorum eius et passio gloriosissimi Canuti Regis et martyris''). The work depicts the adoption of Christianity in Denmark and emphasizes the role of Svend Estridsen and his sons in consolidating the new religion in the land. The central figure in this process, and the person to whom the overwhelming focus of the work is devoted, is St Knud, who ruled Denmark from 1080 until he was martyred in Odense in 1086.

			==Biography==

	All that is known about Ælnoth is derived principally from his own work. He states that he is originally from Canterbury and has resided in Denmark for almost twenty-four years (''Ailnothus, Cancia Anglorum metropolitana urbe editus, iam uero Daciæ partibus quatuor quinquennijs et bis fere binis annis demoratus''). Although Ælnoth refers to himself as the "lowest of the ministers of the divine office" (''diuini officii ministrorum infimus'') in the prologue and "the lowest of priests" (''sacerdotum infimus'') in the epilogue, the elasticity of Latin terms for ecclesiastical and monastic titles during the period in general renders Ælnoth's position speculative; he was likely connected to the monastic cathedral of St Knud (NYBERG 2000, 56), or the church of St Mary and St Alban and St Knud in Odense. Alternatively, it has been suggested that Ælnoth belonged to the king's chapel (for these arguments, see GELTING 2011, 40). Whenever his arrival in Denmark and his position, Ælnoth's work mentions two former chaplains of the court now serving as bishops, Gerold of Ribe and Arnold of Roskilde (''tunc quidem regalis curię capellanis, nunc autem pontificibus uenerandis, Geroldo scilicet et Arnoldo''), the latter of whom died in 1124, thereby offering a terminus ante quem for the work. A date of ca. 1122 was advocated by the work's editor, Gertz, and translator, Olrik. However, an earlier and more specific dating seems likely. Ælnoth's exhortation to Niels to show generosity to Knud's resting place likely predates Pope Paschal II's confirmation in 1117 of Niels' privilege to the church in Odense. Moreover, Ælnoth refers to the episcopal dignity of Gerold (Jerald). According to the early thirteenth-century Chronicle of the Church of Ribe, this bishop sold the possessions of his church and fled; he was probably in Germany by April 1113. It is unlikely that Ælnoth would have referred to Jerald in flattering terms after this point. In this case, Ælnoth would have written his work between 1110 and 1113, probably 1111/12 (see GELTING 2011, 38-39).		All that is known about Ælnoth is derived principally from his own work. He states that he is originally from Canterbury and has resided in Denmark for almost twenty-four years (''Ailnothus, Cancia Anglorum metropolitana urbe editus, iam uero Daciæ partibus quatuor quinquennijs et bis fere binis annis demoratus''). Although Ælnoth refers to himself as the "lowest of the ministers of the divine office" (''diuini officii ministrorum infimus'') in the prologue and "the lowest of priests" (''sacerdotum infimus'') in the epilogue, the elasticity of Latin terms for ecclesiastical and monastic titles during the period in general renders Ælnoth's position speculative; he was likely connected to the monastic cathedral of St Knud (NYBERG 2000, 56), or the church of St Mary and St Alban and St Knud in Odense. Alternatively, it has been suggested that Ælnoth belonged to the king's chapel (for these arguments, see GELTING 2011, 40). Whenever his arrival in Denmark and his position, Ælnoth's work mentions two former chaplains of the court now serving as bishops, Gerold of Ribe and Arnold of Roskilde (''tunc quidem regalis curię capellanis, nunc autem pontificibus uenerandis, Geroldo scilicet et Arnoldo''), the latter of whom died in 1124, thereby offering a terminus ante quem for the work. A date of ca. 1122 was advocated by the work's editor, Gertz, and translator, Olrik. However, an earlier and more specific dating seems likely. Ælnoth's exhortation to Niels to show generosity to Knud's resting place likely predates Pope Paschal II's confirmation in 1117 of Niels' privilege to the church in Odense. Moreover, Ælnoth refers to the episcopal dignity of Gerold (Jerald). According to the early thirteenth-century Chronicle of the Church of Ribe, this bishop sold the possessions of his church and fled; he was probably in Germany by April 1113. It is unlikely that Ælnoth would have referred to Jerald in flattering terms after this point. In this case, Ælnoth would have written his work between 1110 and 1113, probably 1111/12 (see GELTING 2011, 38-39).

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Bibliography

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	==Bibliography==		==Bibliography==
	* BREENGAARD, C. 1982: Muren om Israels Hus. Regnum og sacerdotium i Danmark 1050-1176, 108-203, København.		*BREENGAARD, C. 1982: Muren om Israels Hus. Regnum og sacerdotium i Danmark 1050-1176, 108-203, København.
	* BREENGAARD, C. 1986: 'Det var os, der slog kong Knud ihjel!', Knuds-bogen 1986. Studier over Knud den Hellige, 9-20, Odense.		*BREENGAARD, C. 1986: 'Det var os, der slog kong Knud ihjel!', Knuds-bogen 1986. Studier over Knud den Hellige, 9-20, Odense.
	* CHRISTENSEN, A. E. 1977: In Danmarks Historie I. Tiden indtil 1340, 255-57 & 262-63, København.		*CHRISTENSEN, A. E. 1977: In Danmarks Historie I. Tiden indtil 1340, 255-57 & 262-63, København.
	* DOLBEAU, F. 1981: « Nouvelles recherches sur le Legendarium Flandrense », Recherches Augustiniennes, 16, 1981, pp. 399-455.		*CONTI, A. 2010: 'Ælnoth of Canterbury and Early Mythopoiesis in Denmark', Saints and Their Lives on the Periphery: Veneration of Saints in Scandinavia and Eastern Europe (c.1000-1200), ed. by Haki Antonsson and Ildar Garipzanov, 189-206, Turnhout.
	* GAD, T. 1963: 'Knud den Hellige' in Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder 8, col. 596-600, København.		*DOLBEAU, F. 1981: « Nouvelles recherches sur le Legendarium Flandrense », Recherches Augustiniennes, 16, 1981, pp. 399-455.
	* GELTING, M.H. 2011: 'Two Early Twelfth-Century Views of Denmark's Christian Past: Ailnoth and the Anonymous of Roskilde', Historical Narratives and Christian Identity on a European Periphery: Early History Writing in Northern, East-Central, and Eastern Europe (c. 1070-1200), ed. by Ildar Garipzanov, 33-55, Turnhout.		*GAD, T. 1963: 'Knud den Hellige' in Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder 8, col. 596-600, København.
	* GERTZ, M.Cl. 1907: Knud den helliges Martyrhistorie særlig efter de tre ældste Kilder. Festskrift udgivet af Kjøbenhavns Universitet i anledning af Hans Majestæt Kongens Fødselsdag den 3. Juni 1907, København.		*GELTING, M.H. 2011: 'Two Early Twelfth-Century Views of Denmark's Christian Past: Ailnoth and the Anonymous of Roskilde', Historical Narratives and Christian Identity on a European Periphery: Early History Writing in Northern, East-Central, and Eastern Europe (c. 1070-1200), ed. by Ildar Garipzanov, 33-55, Turnhout.
	* HOFFMANN, E. 1974: Knut der Heilige und die Wende der dänischen Geschichte im 11. Jahrhundert. Historische Zeitschrift 218, 529-70.		*GERTZ, M.Cl. 1907: Knud den helliges Martyrhistorie særlig efter de tre ældste Kilder. Festskrift udgivet af Kjøbenhavns Universitet i anledning af Hans Majestæt Kongens Fødselsdag den 3. Juni 1907, København.
	* HOFFMANN, E. 1975: Die heiligen Könige bei den Angelsachsen und den skandinavischen Völkern : Königsheiliger und Königshaus, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Schleswig-Holsteins Band 69, Neumünster.		*HOFFMANN, E. 1974: Knut der Heilige und die Wende der dänischen Geschichte im 11. Jahrhundert. Historische Zeitschrift 218, 529-70.
	* LUKMAN, N. 1947-49: 'Ælnod. Et Bindeled mellem engelsk og dansk Historieskrivning i 12. Aarh.', Historisk Tidsskrift, Ellevte Række, Andet Bind, 493-505, København.		*HOFFMANN, E. 1975: Die heiligen Könige bei den Angelsachsen und den skandinavischen Völkern : Königsheiliger und Königshaus, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Schleswig-Holsteins Band 69, Neumünster.
	* NYBERG, T. 1981: 'Kong Knud i Odense: hans skrinlæggelse og helgenlevned', Fyens Stiftsbog 1981, 7-14.		*LUKMAN, N. 1947-49: 'Ælnod. Et Bindeled mellem engelsk og dansk Historieskrivning i 12. Aarh.', Historisk Tidsskrift, Ellevte Række, Andet Bind, 493-505, København.
	* NYBERG, T. 1982: in Odense bys Historie: Fra boplads til bispeby. Odense til 1559, Odense 1982, 144-159.		*NYBERG, T. 1981: 'Kong Knud i Odense: hans skrinlæggelse og helgenlevned', Fyens Stiftsbog 1981, 7-14.
	* NYBERG, T. 1992a: 'Les Royautés Scandinaves entre saintité et sacralité', in Boureau, A. et Ingerflom C.-S. (ed.), La Royauté Sacrée dans le monde chrétien. L'Histoire et ses Représentations 3., 63-69, Paris.		*NYBERG, T. 1982: in Odense bys Historie: Fra boplads til bispeby. Odense til 1559, Odense 1982, 144-159.
	* NYBERG, T. 1992b: 'Knud (Cnut), St.', in Pulsiano, Ph. (Ed.), Medieval Scandinavia. An encyclopedia, 359, New York and London.		*NYBERG, T. 1992a: 'Les Royautés Scandinaves entre saintité et sacralité', in Boureau, A. et Ingerflom C.-S. (ed.), La Royauté Sacrée dans le monde chrétien. L'Histoire et ses Représentations 3., 63-69, Paris.
	* NYBERG, T., 2000. Monasticism in North-Western Europe, 800-1200, Aldershot.		*NYBERG, T. 1992b: 'Knud (Cnut), St.', in Pulsiano, Ph. (Ed.), Medieval Scandinavia. An encyclopedia, 359, New York and London.
	* OLRIK, H. 1892-94: 'Studier over Ælnods skrift om Knud den hellige', Historisk Tidsskrift, Sjette Række, Fjerde Bind, 205-291, Kjøbenhavn.		*NYBERG, T., 2000. Monasticism in North-Western Europe, 800-1200, Aldershot.
	* OLRIK, H. 1905. 'Ælnoth', in Dansk biografisk Lexikon, 1st ed., 19, 341.		*OLRIK, H. 1892-94: 'Studier over Ælnods skrift om Knud den hellige', Historisk Tidsskrift, Sjette Række, Fjerde Bind, 205-291, Kjøbenhavn.
	* SKOVGAARD-PETERSEN, I. 1984: 'Ælnoth' in Dansk Biografisk Leksikon, 3rd ed., 16, 170-71, København.		*OLRIK, H. 1905. 'Ælnoth', in Dansk biografisk Lexikon, 1st ed., 19, 341.
	* SKOVGAARD-PETERSEN, K. 2002: Historiography at the court of Christian IV (1588-1648): studies in the Latin histories of Denmark by Johannes Pontanus and Johannes * Meursius, København.		*SKOVGAARD-PETERSEN, I. 1984: 'Ælnoth' in Dansk Biografisk Leksikon, 3rd ed., 16, 170-71, København.
	* SKYUM-NIELSEN, N. 1971: Kvinde og Slave, 1-18, København.		SKOVGAARD-PETERSEN, K. 2002: Historiography at the court of Christian IV (1588-1648): studies in the Latin histories of Denmark by Johannes Pontanus and Johannes Meursius, København.
	* SØRENSEN, P. M. 1984: 'Om Ælnoth og hans bog', in Ælnoths Krønike. Oversat og kommenteret af E. Albrechtsen, 115-39, Odense.		*SKYUM-NIELSEN, N. 1971: Kvinde og Slave, 1-18, København.
	* THOMAS, H. 2003: The English and the Normans: Ethnic Hostility, Assimilation, and Identity 1066-c. 1220, Oxford.		*SØRENSEN, P. M. 1984: 'Om Ælnoth og hans bog', in Ælnoths Krønike. Oversat og kommenteret af E. Albrechtsen, 115-39, Odense.
	* VAN HOUTS, E. 1995: 'The Norman Conquest through European Eyes'. The English Historical Review 110: 832-53.		*THOMAS, H. 2003: The English and the Normans: Ethnic Hostility, Assimilation, and Identity 1066-c. 1220, Oxford.
	* WORM, O. 1626 & 1643: Fasti Danici, Hafniae. The 3rd ed. from 1643 with corr.		*VAN HOUTS, E. 1995: 'The Norman Conquest through European Eyes'. The English Historical Review 110: 832-53.
			*WEIBULL, C. 1915: Saxo: Kritiska undersökningaer i Danmarks historia frånSven Estridsens död till Knut VI, Lund.
			*WEIBULL, L. and SKYUM-NIELSEN, N. 1963: Diplomatarium Danicum 1st ser., vol. II: 1053-1169, København
			*WORM, O. 1626 & 1643: Fasti Danici, Hafniae. The 3rd ed. from 1643 with corr.

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Medieval reception and transmission

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	There is evidence of several Danish MSS and some of them seem to exhibit readings close to that of A and B. They are lost, perhaps because of the circulation of many excerpts (see GERTZ 1908-12, 51-54). The only known complete Danish manuscript, codex Huitfeldius (H) belonged to Arild Huitfeldt, but burned with the University Library in 1728; it has been traced back to the monastery of Herrisvad in Skåne.		There is evidence of several Danish MSS and some of them seem to exhibit readings close to that of A and B. They are lost, perhaps because of the circulation of many excerpts (see GERTZ 1908-12, 51-54). The only known complete Danish manuscript, codex Huitfeldius (H) belonged to Arild Huitfeldt, but burned with the University Library in 1728; it has been traced back to the monastery of Herrisvad in Skåne.

	The only extant manuscripts are of Flemish origin and can be dated to the early thirteenth century. As such, they attest to medieval reception of this work:		The only extant manuscripts are of Flemish origin and can be dated to the early thirteenth century. As such, they attest to medieval reception of this work:

	* A St Omer, Bibliothèque municipale, 716, vol. 2, fols 60r-70r; originally belonged to a convent near St Omer, the Abbaye de Clairmarais (St. Mariæ de Claro Marisco).		*A St Omer, Bibliothèque municipale, 716, vol. 2, fols 60r-70r; originally belonged to a convent near St Omer, the Abbaye de Clairmarais (St. Mariæ de Claro Marisco).
	* B Brugge, Openbare Bibliotheek, 403, fols. 76r-85r; originally belonged to the convent of Ter Doest (B. Mariæ de Thosano).		*B Brugge, Openbare Bibliotheek, 403, fols. 76r-85r; originally belonged to the convent of Ter Doest (B. Mariæ de Thosano).

	Both manuscripts are part of the multi-volume Legendarium Flandrense (see DOLBEAU 1981). Therein Ælnoth's work is not found where it would celebrate the day of his martyrdom (10 July), but rather precedes the ~~story of~~ Knud and Adela's son~~, Charles the Good,~~ count of Flanders from 1119 until his murder in Brugge (Bruges) in 1127 (2 March); like his father he was regarded as a martyr and saint (but not officially canonized until 1884). This placement suggests that in this context Knud's importance was primarily as a saintly father to Charles.		Both manuscripts are part of the multi-volume Legendarium Flandrense (see DOLBEAU 1981). Therein Ælnoth's work is not found where it would celebrate the day of his martyrdom (10 July), but rather precedes Walter of Thérouanne's vita of Charles the Good, Knud and Adela's son and count of Flanders from 1119 until his murder in Brugge (Bruges) in 1127 (2 March); like his father he was regarded as a martyr and saint (but not officially canonized until 1884). Similar to the arrangement in the extant manuscripts, an anonymous vita of Charles the Good appears to have followed Ælnoth's work in the codex Huitfeldius from Herrisvad in Skåne; Meursius who used this manuscript as the basis for his edition prints the anonymous vita after his edition of Ælnoth. This placement in these three witnesses suggests that in this context Knud's importance was primarily as a saintly father to Charles.

	After the Middle Ages, Ælnoth's work played a prominent role in early modern Danish historiography. One of its early editors, Meursius, was also an important early modern historian in the court of Christian IV of Denmark (SKOVGAARD-PETERSEN 2002) .		After the Middle Ages, Ælnoth's work played a prominent role in early modern Danish historiography. One of its early editors, Meursius, was also an important early modern historian in the court of Christian IV of Denmark (SKOVGAARD-PETERSEN 2002).

	==Bibliography==		==Bibliography==

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Purpose and audience

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	===Purpose and audience===		===Purpose and audience===
	The ~~specific~~ contemporary ~~audience for Ælnoth's work~~ is ~~uncertain~~. Ælnoth's ~~translations and explanations~~ of Danish ~~names, such~~ as ~~Roskilde id est: fons Roi, may suggest an audience outside Odense and Denmark~~ (~~GERTZ 1908-12, 497~~). ~~Yet, the practice may be stylistic; it is mirrored in the Encomium Emmae and elsewhere.~~ Moreover, Ælnoth also provides significations for the latinized form of Knud (seu propter sensus caniciem uel uite sinceritatem et candorem seu pro hoc, quod eum in canone sanctorum connumerandum decernebat, Canutum censeri) and the ~~meaning of~~ his ~~wife~~'s ~~name (Ethela (id est: nobilis)), hinting at~~ a ~~predilection for etymologies regardless of the audience. As has been noted, Ælnoth puts the history of Denmark within the framework of biblical history. The people in the work are explicity~~ linked to ~~biblical figures, but~~ the ~~framework is loose so that multiple contemporary figures can be compared to a single biblical figure~~ and ~~in turn a single contemporary figure can be compared to several figures in the Bible. Within this frame~~, ~~the martyrdom of Knud establishes Denmark within the broader history of Western Christendom~~. ~~In this light, Ælnoth appears to have been writing for posterity as much as for any contemporary audience~~.		The degree to which the work was meant to influence directly the contemporary political situation is a matter of debate. With its focus on the rule of the sons of Sven Estridsen and Knud in particular, Ælnoth's work asserts the central position of the king within Danish society and the church as the moral foundation for royal power (see BREENGAARD 1982). Moreover, the exhortation to Niels to show generosity to his brother's resting place appears to have had a positive effect if linked to the subsequent privileges granted by the king and confirmed by Paschal II (see WEIBULL and SKYUM-NIELSEN 1963, nos. 31-34).

	~~Although his native land is not his primary focus~~, Ælnoth's ~~disposition towards Norman rule impinges on questions~~ of ~~his~~ audience. ~~Ælnoth furthers~~ the ~~idea that~~ the ~~English considered recognizing~~ Knud as the ~~only way~~ of ~~restoring their pristine liberty (XI)~~. ~~Therefrom~~, ~~it has been suggested~~ that ~~his distance from England may have afforded him more candor~~ in ~~expressing his hostility towards~~ the ~~conquest (THOMAS 2003)~~. ~~Indeed~~, ~~although~~ Knud~~'s aborted raid traditionally marks~~ the ~~end~~ of ~~Scandinavian claims in England~~, Ælnoth's ~~portrayal, together with that found~~ in ~~other pieces commemorating Knud, has been used to suggest support~~ for ~~the continued conceptualization of England within~~ a ~~larger Scandinavian kingdom a half century after the conquest (VAN HOUTS 1995)~~.		However, the overarching framework for the text, its allusive nature and theological considerations seem to suppose a highly-educated audience (or one expected to become so). In the past, Ælnoth's translations and explanations of Danish names, such as Roskilde id est: fons Roi, were seen to suggest an audience outside Odense and Denmark (GERTZ 1908-12, 497). Yet, the practice may be stylistic; significations for the names Knud and Adela hint at a predilication for etymologies regardless of the audience. More broadly, as has been noted, Ælnoth puts the history of Denmark within the framework of biblical history. The people in the work are explicity linked to biblical figures, but the framework is loose so that multiple contemporary figures can be compared to a single biblical figure and in turn a single contemporary figure can be compared to several figures in the Bible. Within this frame, the martyrdom of Knud establishes Denmark within the broader history of Western Christendom (CONTI 2010). In this light, Ælnoth's writing appears to be an exercise in monument building for posterity as much as for a contemporary audience.

	Ælnoth's ~~work leaves little impact~~ on ~~subsequent historical writing in medieval Denmark~~. ~~The dedication to Niels may have circumscribed~~ the ~~potential future audience in light~~ of ~~the fact that after Niels' death~~ (~~1134~~), ~~during the civil strife~~ that ~~followed~~ the ~~murder of Knud Lavard~~ (~~1131~~) at the ~~hands~~ of ~~Niels~~' ~~son~~, ~~Magnus~~, the ~~succession~~ of the ~~Danish throne passed through Niels' adversaries, the descendents of Erik Ejegod~~.		Although his native land is not his primary focus, Ælnoth's disposition towards Norman rule impinges on questions of his audience. Ælnoth furthers the idea that the English considered recognizing Knud as the only way of restoring their pristine liberty (XI). Therefrom, it has been suggested that his distance from England may have afforded him more candor in expressing his hostility towards the conquest (THOMAS 2003). Indeed, although Knud's aborted raid traditionally marks the end of Scandinavian claims in England, Ælnoth's portrayal, together with that found in other pieces commemorating Knud, has been used to suggest support for the continued conceptualization of England within a larger Scandinavian kingdom a half century after the conquest (VAN HOUTS 1995).

	Extracts of Ælnoth's work, referred to as Nota de martyrizatione sancti Kanuti regis, are found in a sixteenth century manuscript (Copenhagen, AM 107 8vo, fols 8b-9a; edited GERTZ 1908-12, 137-40) owned by Peder Olsen (d. 1570), a Franciscan of Roskilde (OLRIK 1892-94, 221-22; GERTZ 1908-12, 33). The initial compilation of the extracted details may have occurred earlier at an unknown date (GERTZ 1908-12, 51-52).		Ælnoth's work leaves little sustained impact on subsequent historical writing in medieval Denmark, but some influence has been suggested. For example, later Danish chronicles report, like Ælnoth, that Sven Estridsen died in 1074 (not 1076 as found in the Anglo-Saxon chronicle) and Saxo agrees with Ælnoth in some characterizations of Danish kings as pointed out by WEIBULL 1915 (for example, 42 and 93-94). These details notwithstanding, the dedication to Niels may have circumscribed the work's potential future prominence. After Niels' death (1134), during the civil strife that followed the murder of Knud Lavard (1131) at the hands of Niels' son, Magnus, the succession of the Danish throne passed through Niels' adversaries, the descendents of Erik Ejegod.

			Extracts of Ælnoth's work, referred to as Nota de martyrizatione sancti Kanuti regis, are found in a sixteenth century manuscript (Copenhagen, AM 107 8vo, fols 8b-9a; edited GERTZ 1908-12, 137-40) owned by Peder Olsen (d. 1570), a Franciscan of Roskilde (OLRIK 1892-94, 221-22; GERTZ 1908-12, 33). The initial compilation of the extracted details may have occurred earlier at an unknown date (GERTZ 1908-12, 51-52).

	===Medieval reception and transmission===		===Medieval reception and transmission===

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Contents, sources and style

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	Ælnoth also proves himself well-versed in the Graeco-Roman past. Among others, he refers to Hannibal, Pompey, Nero and the fall of Troy. However, his direct use of antique sources is limited to two commonplace sentiments derived from Horace:		Ælnoth also proves himself well-versed in the Graeco-Roman past. Among others, he refers to Hannibal, Pompey, Nero and the fall of Troy. However, his direct use of antique sources is limited to two commonplace sentiments derived from Horace:

	Sed quid in humanis est omni parte beatum? (II; cf Carmina, 2. 16. 27) Monumentum ęre perhennius exegi (Epilogue; cf. Carmina, 3. 30. 1)		''Sed quid in humanis est omni parte beatum''? (II; cf Carmina, 2. 16. 27) ''Monumentum ęre perhennius exegi'' (Epilogue; cf. Carmina, 3. 30. 1)

	Indeed, in his dedicatory letter to King Niels, Ælnoth dismisses the importance of the ancient world to his narrative and insists on first-hand accounts:		Indeed, in his dedicatory letter to King Niels, Ælnoth dismisses the importance of the ancient world to his narrative and insists on first-hand accounts:

	Neque enim ego Danaum classes Dardanis excidium inferentes edissero, non acies Hectoreas Mirmidonum armis umbonibus obiectis insigniter obuiantes commemoro; sed quę de gestis religiosi principis et deo dilecti martyris probabilibus personis utriusque sexus et ordinis referentibus agnoui, religiosi habitus uiris, Ihesu Christo ibidem insignique triumphatori deseruientibus, obnixe suffragantibus posterorum memorię reseruanda apicibus contradidi…		''Neque enim ego Danaum classes Dardanis excidium inferentes edissero, non acies Hectoreas Mirmidonum armis umbonibus obiectis insigniter obuiantes commemoro; sed quę de gestis religiosi principis et deo dilecti martyris probabilibus personis utriusque sexus et ordinis referentibus agnoui, religiosi habitus uiris, Ihesu Christo ibidem insignique triumphatori deseruientibus, obnixe suffragantibus posterorum memorię reseruanda apicibus contradidi…''

	I do not relate the ships of the Greeks bringing the destruction of Troy, nor do I recount the Hectorean battle-lines famously meeting the arms of the Mirmidons with their out-thrust shields. But those things I know concerning the acts of the religious prince and martyr beloved by God just as upstanding persons of either sex and order relate them, men of religious habit, serving in the same place Jesus Christ and the renowned conqueror, I have strenuously set these out in favorable words to be saved for the memory of coming generations… (Preface, § 7)		I do not relate the ships of the Greeks bringing the destruction of Troy, nor do I recount the Hectorean battle-lines famously meeting the arms of the Mirmidons with their out-thrust shields. But those things I know concerning the acts of the religious prince and martyr beloved by God just as upstanding persons of either sex and order relate them, men of religious habit, serving in the same place Jesus Christ and the renowned conqueror, I have strenuously set these out in favorable words to be saved for the memory of coming generations… (Preface, § 7)
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	Not surprisingly, Ælnoth's work relates to the following pieces of Odense literature of the period:		Not surprisingly, Ælnoth's work relates to the following pieces of Odense literature of the period:

	The Tabula Othiniensis, a copper tablet inscribed with the oldest known account of the death of St Knud; placed in the stone sarcophagus in connection with the elevatio of the body of St Knud in 1095 and later moved to the shrine in 1100; recovered in 1582, but lost soon after (edited in WORM 1626 & 1643, lib. I, cap. IX and in GERTZ 1908-12, 60-62).		''The Tabula Othiniensis'', a copper tablet inscribed with the oldest known account of the death of St Knud; placed in the stone sarcophagus in connection with the elevatio of the body of St Knud in 1095 and later moved to the shrine in 1100; recovered in 1582, but lost soon after (edited in WORM 1626 & 1643, lib. I, cap. IX and in GERTZ 1908-12, 60-62).

	The Epitaphium S.Canuti, an inscription consisting of nine Leonine verses, transmitted together with the Tabula; considered by Olrik to be part of the Tabula (OLRIK 1892-94, 219-21, but viewed as a separate text by Gertz, who took Ælnoth to be the author (GERTZ 1907, 81-83 & 1908-12, 38-42; edited in GERTZ 1908-12, 76).		''The Epitaphium S.Canuti'', an inscription consisting of nine Leonine verses, transmitted together with the Tabula; considered by Olrik to be part of the Tabula (OLRIK 1892-94, 219-21, but viewed as a separate text by Gertz, who took Ælnoth to be the author (GERTZ 1907, 81-83 & 1908-12, 38-42; edited in GERTZ 1908-12, 76).

	The Passio sancti Kanuti regis et martyris, "The Passion of King Knud the Martyr" composed between 1095 and 1100 by an unknown author (see Sanctus Kanutus rex). Ælnoth's most recent editor characterizes the style as artificial and tumid (GERTZ 1908-12, 43). Elsewhere, the florid style and prosimetrum has been said to recall Martianus Capella (OLRIK 1892-94, 213), and its rhythmical and rhyming prose described as Anglo-Saxon in manner (OLRIK 1905). The verses that adorn the work are almost uniquely hexameters (and mostly Leonine) and written by Ælnoth himself.		''The Passio sancti Kanuti regis et martyris'', "The Passion of King Knud the Martyr" composed between 1095 and 1100 by an unknown author (see Sanctus Kanutus rex). Ælnoth's most recent editor characterizes the style as artificial and tumid (GERTZ 1908-12, 43). Elsewhere, the florid style and prosimetrum has been said to recall Martianus Capella (OLRIK 1892-94, 213), and its rhythmical and rhyming prose described as Anglo-Saxon in manner (OLRIK 1905). The verses that adorn the work are almost uniquely hexameters (and mostly Leonine) and written by Ælnoth himself.

	===Purpose and audience===		===Purpose and audience===

Hkllm: /* Contents, sources and style */

2012-09-11T08:37:11Z

Contents, sources and style

Hkllm: /* Translations */

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Translations

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	====Translations====		====Translations====
	* (Danish) OLRIK, H. 1893-94: Danske Helgeners Levned, pp. 19-105, København. (Repr. Selskabet til Historiske Kildeskrifters Oversættelse, 1968).		*(Danish) OLRIK, H. 1893-94: Danske Helgeners Levned, pp. 19-105, København. (Repr. Selskabet til Historiske Kildeskrifters Oversættelse, 1968).
	* (Danish) ALBRECTSEN, E. 1984: Ælnoths Krønike, Odense. (Repr. in Knuds-bogen 1986: Studier over Knud den Hellige, Odense, 1986, pp. 25-52).		*(Danish) ALBRECTSEN, E. 1984: Ælnoths Krønike, Odense. (Repr. in Knuds-bogen 1986: Studier over Knud den Hellige, Odense, 1986, pp. 25-52).
	The Danish translation by J. S. Jacobsen (København 1874) is described as most inadequate (GERTZ 1908-12, 51).		The Danish translation by J. S. Jacobsen (København 1874) is described as most inadequate (GERTZ 1908-12, 51).

Hkllm: /* Editions */

2012-09-11T08:33:51Z

Editions

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	====Editions====		====Editions====
	* HUITFELDT, A. (?) 1602: Historia S.Canuti regis et martyris, Othoniæ sepulti, per Ælnothum Anglicum ante 400 (!) annos conscripta, Hafniæ.		*HUITFELDT, A. (?) 1602: Historia S.Canuti regis et martyris, Othoniæ sepulti, per Ælnothum Anglicum ante 400 (!) annos conscripta, Hafniæ.
	* MEURSIUS, J. 1631: Ælnothus Monachus Cantuariensis, de Vita & Passione S. Canuti Regis Daniæ. Joannes Meursius ex Codice Bibliothecæ Hafniensis descripsit, edidit & notas addidit, Hafniæ.		*MEURSIUS, J. 1631: Ælnothus Monachus Cantuariensis, de Vita & Passione S. Canuti Regis Daniæ. Joannes Meursius ex Codice Bibliothecæ Hafniensis descripsit, edidit & notas addidit, Hafniæ.
	* v. WESTPHALEN, E. J. 1745: M. Thomae Broderi Bircherodii Annotationes in libellum, quem Ælnothus, monachus Cantuariensis, de vita, et passione S.Canuti, regis Daniæ et martyris conscripsit, Monumenta inedita Rerum Germanicarum, Tom. IV, Lipsiae, pp.1377-1440. The text is that of Meursius.		*v. WESTPHALEN, E. J. 1745: M. Thomae Broderi Bircherodii Annotationes in libellum, quem Ælnothus, monachus Cantuariensis, de vita, et passione S.Canuti, regis Daniæ et martyris conscripsit, Monumenta inedita Rerum Germanicarum, Tom. IV, Lipsiae, pp.1377-1440. The text is that of Meursius.
	* SOLLERIUS, J. B. 1723: 'Historia Vitæ et Passionis (S. Canuti Regis et Martyris) Auctore Ælnotho Monacho Cantuarensi. Ex Ms. Thosano, collato cum editione Meursii', in Acta Sanctorum mensis Julii, Tom. III, pp. 127-43, Antverpiæ.		*SOLLERIUS, J. B. 1723: 'Historia Vitæ et Passionis (S. Canuti Regis et Martyris) Auctore Ælnotho Monacho Cantuarensi. Ex Ms. Thosano, collato cum editione Meursii', in Acta Sanctorum mensis Julii, Tom. III, pp. 127-43, Antverpiæ.
	* LANGEBEK, J. 1774: Ælnothi Monachi Historia ortus, vitæ & passionis S. Canuti Regis Daniae, Scriptores rerum Danicarum medii ævi, Tom. III, pp. 327-90, Hafniae.		*LANGEBEK, J. 1774: Ælnothi Monachi Historia ortus, vitæ & passionis S. Canuti Regis Daniae, Scriptores rerum Danicarum medii ævi, Tom. III, pp. 327-90, Hafniae.
	* •GERTZ, M. CL. 1908-1912: Vitæ Sanctorum Danorum, pp. 38-53 & 76-147, København.		*•GERTZ, M. CL. 1908-1912: Vitæ Sanctorum Danorum, pp. 38-53 & 76-147, København.

	====Translations====		====Translations====

Hkllm: /* Explicit */

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Explicit

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	=====Explicit=====		=====Explicit=====
	Illi cum patre et coeterno pneumate benedictio, honor, laus et gratiarum actio sempiterno maneat et accrescat tempore! Amen.		''Illi cum patre et coeterno pneumate benedictio, honor, laus et gratiarum actio sempiterno maneat et accrescat tempore! Amen. ''

	=====Size=====		=====Size=====

Hkllm: /* Incipit */

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Incipit

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	=====Incipit=====		=====Incipit=====
	Epistola Ailnothi ad regem Dacie Nicolaum de passione gloriosissimi Canuti regis et martyris		''Epistola Ailnothi ad regem Dacie Nicolaum de passione gloriosissimi Canuti regis et martyris''

	=====Explicit=====		=====Explicit=====

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	===Contents, sources and style===		===Contents, sources and style===
	Ælnoth's work opens with a dedication to King Niels (rg. 1104-34), followed by a proem (I-IV) relating the propagation of Christianity in the north and the reigns of Svend Estridsen and Harald Hen ("the Whetstone"). The bulk of the work (V-XXXVI) is dedicated to Knud's activities as king, the gesta, and his martyrdom, the passio. His reign is characterized by his piety, his support for the church and his concern for the poor. After he abandons a planned expedition to reclaim the English throne, an uprising in northern Jutland leads to his death on the 10th of July, 1086 at the hands of rebels in the church of St Mary and St Alban in Odense. Subsequent chapters relate miracles at his tomb, the elevatio of his remains, the process of obtaining papal approval for canonization and the translatio of his relics thereafter. Ælnoth's concluding prayer addresses Knud and asks the saint to intercede on his behalf.		Ælnoth's work opens with a dedication to King Niels (rg. 1104-34), followed by a proem (I-IV) relating the propagation of Christianity in the north and the reigns of Svend Estridsen and Harald Hen ("the Whetstone"). The bulk of the work (V-XXXVI) is dedicated to Knud's activities as king, the gesta, and his martyrdom, the passio. His reign is characterized by his piety, his support for the church and his concern for the poor. After he abandons a planned expedition to reclaim the English throne, an uprising in northern Jutland leads to his death on the 10th of July, 1086 at the hands of rebels in the church of St Mary and St Alban in Odense. Subsequent chapters relate miracles at his tomb, the elevatio of his remains, the process of obtaining papal approval for canonization and the translatio of his relics thereafter. Ælnoth's concluding prayer addresses Knud and asks the saint to intercede on his behalf.

	In chronicling events, Ælnoth takes pains to relate Danish history to the narrative typology of the Bible. The details of Knud's martyrdom evoke Jesus's passion: Knud is depicted before the alter of St Alban's with his arms outstreched in the form of a cross and receives a lance-wound in his side; the murderous Danes are compared to the Jews; Pipero (who corresponds to Eivind Bifra in Knýtlinga saga and Blakke in Saxo) plays the Judas-like figure of betrayer. Other comparisons are prevalent, such as Knud to the martyrs Stephen and Sebastian, and both Knud and Svend to David. Consequently, the work "inserts the history of the kingdom of Denmark into the universal history of Christianity and anchors it as part of God's plan" (SØRENSEN 1984, 124).		In chronicling events, Ælnoth takes pains to relate Danish history to the narrative typology of the Bible. The details of Knud's martyrdom evoke Jesus's passion: Knud is depicted before the alter of St Alban's with his arms outstreched in the form of a cross and receives a lance-wound in his side; the murderous Danes are compared to the Jews; Pipero (who corresponds to Eivind Bifra in Knýtlinga saga and Blakke in Saxo) plays the Judas-like figure of betrayer. Other comparisons are prevalent, such as Knud to the martyrs Stephen and Sebastian, and both Knud and Svend to David. Consequently, the work "inserts the history of the kingdom of Denmark into the universal history of Christianity and anchors it as part of God's plan" (SØRENSEN 1984, 124).

	In addition to the Bible, suggested models for Ælnoth's work include the hagiography of Anglo-Saxon kings such as Abbo of Fleury's Passio St Eadmundi (HOFFMANN 1975). It has also been suggested that the work serves as a continuation of the Encomium Emmae (LUKMAN 1947-49, 494-96), but Ælnoth's work differs in scope and purpose too much to serve as a direct prolongation of the Encomium.		In addition to the Bible, suggested models for Ælnoth's work include the hagiography of Anglo-Saxon kings such as Abbo of Fleury's Passio St Eadmundi (HOFFMANN 1975). It has also been suggested that the work serves as a continuation of the Encomium Emmae (LUKMAN 1947-49, 494-96), but Ælnoth's work differs in scope and purpose too much to serve as a direct prolongation of the Encomium.

	Ælnoth also proves himself well-versed in the Graeco-Roman past. Among others, he refers to Hannibal, Pompey, Nero and the fall of Troy. However, his direct use of antique sources is limited to two commonplace sentiments derived from Horace:		Ælnoth also proves himself well-versed in the Graeco-Roman past. Among others, he refers to Hannibal, Pompey, Nero and the fall of Troy. However, his direct use of antique sources is limited to two commonplace sentiments derived from Horace:

	Sed quid in humanis est omni parte beatum? (II; cf Carmina, 2. 16. 27)		Sed quid in humanis est omni parte beatum? (II; cf Carmina, 2. 16. 27) Monumentum ęre perhennius exegi (Epilogue; cf. Carmina, 3. 30. 1)
	Monumentum ęre perhennius exegi (Epilogue; cf. Carmina, 3. 30. 1)

	Indeed, in his dedicatory letter to King Niels, Ælnoth dismisses the importance of the ancient world to his narrative and insists on first-hand accounts:		Indeed, in his dedicatory letter to King Niels, Ælnoth dismisses the importance of the ancient world to his narrative and insists on first-hand accounts:

	Neque enim ego Danaum classes Dardanis excidium inferentes edissero, non acies Hectoreas Mirmidonum armis umbonibus obiectis insigniter obuiantes commemoro; sed quę de gestis religiosi principis et deo dilecti martyris probabilibus personis utriusque sexus et ordinis referentibus agnoui, religiosi habitus uiris, Ihesu Christo ibidem insignique triumphatori deseruientibus, obnixe suffragantibus posterorum memorię reseruanda apicibus contradidi…		Neque enim ego Danaum classes Dardanis excidium inferentes edissero, non acies Hectoreas Mirmidonum armis umbonibus obiectis insigniter obuiantes commemoro; sed quę de gestis religiosi principis et deo dilecti martyris probabilibus personis utriusque sexus et ordinis referentibus agnoui, religiosi habitus uiris, Ihesu Christo ibidem insignique triumphatori deseruientibus, obnixe suffragantibus posterorum memorię reseruanda apicibus contradidi…

	I do not relate the ships of the Greeks bringing the destruction of Troy, nor do I recount the Hectorean battle-lines famously meeting the arms of the Mirmidons with their out-thrust shields. But those things I know concerning the acts of the religious prince and martyr beloved by God just as upstanding persons of either sex and order relate them, men of religious habit, serving in the same place Jesus Christ and the renowned conqueror, I have strenuously set these out in favorable words to be saved for the memory of coming generations… (Preface, § 7)		I do not relate the ships of the Greeks bringing the destruction of Troy, nor do I recount the Hectorean battle-lines famously meeting the arms of the Mirmidons with their out-thrust shields. But those things I know concerning the acts of the religious prince and martyr beloved by God just as upstanding persons of either sex and order relate them, men of religious habit, serving in the same place Jesus Christ and the renowned conqueror, I have strenuously set these out in favorable words to be saved for the memory of coming generations… (Preface, § 7)

	Not surprisingly, Ælnoth's work relates to the following pieces of Odense literature of the period:		Not surprisingly, Ælnoth's work relates to the following pieces of Odense literature of the period:

	The Tabula Othiniensis, a copper tablet inscribed with the oldest known account of the death of St Knud; placed in the stone sarcophagus in connection with the elevatio of the body of St Knud in 1095 and later moved to the shrine in 1100; recovered in 1582, but lost soon after (edited in WORM 1626 & 1643, lib. I, cap. IX and in GERTZ 1908-12, 60-62).		The Tabula Othiniensis, a copper tablet inscribed with the oldest known account of the death of St Knud; placed in the stone sarcophagus in connection with the elevatio of the body of St Knud in 1095 and later moved to the shrine in 1100; recovered in 1582, but lost soon after (edited in WORM 1626 & 1643, lib. I, cap. IX and in GERTZ 1908-12, 60-62).

	The Epitaphium S.Canuti, an inscription consisting of nine Leonine verses, transmitted together with the Tabula; considered by Olrik to be part of the Tabula (OLRIK 1892-94, 219-21, but viewed as a separate text by Gertz, who took Ælnoth to be the author (GERTZ 1907, 81-83 & 1908-12, 38-42; edited in GERTZ 1908-12, 76).		The Epitaphium S.Canuti, an inscription consisting of nine Leonine verses, transmitted together with the Tabula; considered by Olrik to be part of the Tabula (OLRIK 1892-94, 219-21, but viewed as a separate text by Gertz, who took Ælnoth to be the author (GERTZ 1907, 81-83 & 1908-12, 38-42; edited in GERTZ 1908-12, 76).

	The Passio sancti Kanuti regis et martyris, "The Passion of King Knud the Martyr" composed between 1095 and 1100 by an unknown author (see [[Sanctus Kanutus rex]]).		The Passio sancti Kanuti regis et martyris, "The Passion of King Knud the Martyr" composed between 1095 and 1100 by an unknown author (see Sanctus Kanutus rex). Ælnoth's most recent editor characterizes the style as artificial and tumid (GERTZ 1908-12, 43). Elsewhere, the florid style and prosimetrum has been said to recall Martianus Capella (OLRIK 1892-94, 213), and its rhythmical and rhyming prose described as Anglo-Saxon in manner (OLRIK 1905). The verses that adorn the work are almost uniquely hexameters (and mostly Leonine) and written by Ælnoth himself.
	Ælnoth's most recent editor characterizes the style as artificial and tumid (GERTZ 1908-12, 43). Elsewhere, the florid style and prosimetrum has been said to recall Martianus Capella (OLRIK 1892-94, 213), and its rhythmical and rhyming prose described as Anglo-Saxon in manner (OLRIK 1905). The verses that adorn the work are hexameters (mostly Leonine) and written by Ælnoth himself.

	===Purpose and audience===		===Purpose and audience===