Johannes Hildebrandi

From Medieval

by Peter Ståhl

Johannes Hildebrandi, in Swedish also known as Hans Hildebrandsson, died 26 April 1454, the year of his birth being unknown. Canon of Linköping Cathedral from 1406 to 1415. From 6 May 1415 until his death he was a brother of Vadstena Abbey in the Swedish province of Östergötland. The name of Johannes Hildebrandi is mainly connected with the manuscript C 6 at the Uppsala University Library, which contains a large collection of letters and other documents originating from the second half of the fourteenth century and the first half of the fifteenth century. Thanks to C 6, Johannes may be regarded as one of the principal representatives of the epistolary genre and the ars dictandi in the Nordic Middle Ages. Furthermore, C 6 is a source of great importance concerning life and culture in the Swedish diocese of Linköping and Vadstena Abbey in particular, and in Sweden and other countries in general, especially from the period ca. 1400-1440 (see Work).


Information about the life of Johannes Hildebrandi is found in several documents in C 6, and, to some extent, in the manuscripts C 3, C 74, and C 89 (the so-called Diarium Vadstenense), which are all preserved at the Uppsala University Library. We do not know in what year Johannes was born, but it is reasonable to believe that it was around 1380. He was the son of Hildebrand Cruse, citizen of the Swedish town of Söderköping, and his wife Elisabeth. Around 1400 he was occupied with academic studies at the University of Prague, where he probably studied canon law. This study would also be in accordance with his extraordinary interest in ars dictandi (see Composition and style).

In March 1403 he is mentioned in a document as clericus Lincopensis dyocesis publicus imperiali auctoritate notarius (C 6, fol. 48r, ed. SD no. 291; the edition refers to the medieval pagination fol. 44). It has been suggested (SCHÜCK 1959, 445) that at this time he was acting as notarius at the chapter of Linköping (though the more official office of notarius did not yet exist at the chapter), or possibly as chancellor to Bishop Knut Bosson (Natt och Dag). In 1406 Johannes is referred to as canon of Linköping Cathedral (C 6, fol. 10r, ed. SD no. 766), a position he held until he officially entered Vadstena Abbey and the Order of St Birgitta. The year before this event, i.e. 1414, he spent some months in Paris, presumably for the purpose of further study. During his stay in Paris he was manager of the House of Linköping, an institution for the benefit of students from the Linköping diocese in Sweden pursuing studies at the University of Paris. (About student letters from Paris preserved in C 6 see Work, Summary of contents.)

Before returning to Sweden Johannes bought a large quantity of books on behalf of Vadstena Abbey. A list of the books, mainly theological and homiletic literature, has been carefully written down by him in C 6, fol. 106v. The date of the purchase, however, is not explicitly indicated (see further SILFVERSTOLPE 1891, 104 f.; SCHMID 1951, 317; LINDROTH 1975, 179). SCHÜCK (1893, 29-30) and GÖDEL (1916, 93) suggest that this purchase was made in 1419-1420, though we have no clear evidence that Johannes actually visited Paris during these years. We do know, however, that he already as a canon had other commissions on behalf of the Abbey.

During his first five years as a brother of Vadstena Abbey Johannes was constantly busy travelling to different destinations in Europe as a representative of his monastery. On 6 June 1416 he left Vadstena in order to represent the abbey at the Council of Constance; he was then furnished with proposals of several changes concerning the organization of the abbey, and also with supplications to the Pope, who was about to be elected, for the confirmation of the Order of St. Birgitta (C 6, fol. 46v-47r, ed. SD no. 2284). After a short visit to Sweden and Vadstena in 1417, in order to consult his fellow-brothers about some difficult questions concerning the order, he returned to Constance via the new Bridgettine foundation of Maribo in Denmark (C 6, fol. 62v-63r, ed. SD no. 2412; see also NYBERG 1965, 88-89, and HÖJER 1905, 170). The council of Constance was closed on 22 April 1418.

Temporarily staying in Vadstena during the autumn of 1418, Johannes had to leave the abbey once more in December the same year. Since the Bridgettine Order had had no success at the council, Vadstena Abbey sent a new embassy to the papal court in order to effect a confirmation of the canonization of St. Birgitta from the new pope, Martin V. On this journey Johannes Hildebrandi was accompanied by his fellow-brother Johannes Haquini (Jöns Håkansson). On their way to Italy the two brothers visited the Bridgettine monastery of Marienwolde in Germany, where they probably stayed until the end of April 1419. During the summer they worked assiduously in Florence, where the papal court was residing at the time. The success of the embassy was manifested by the execution of three bulls on 1 July (SD nos. 2655-2657), and two other bulls on 4 and 14 December (SD nos. 2711, 2712). At the beginning of June the following year Johannes finally returned to Vadstena.

During a period of twenty years, 1420-1440, Johannes Hildebrandi seems to have spent a peaceful and retired life in Vadstena. In 1440 he was sent to the Bridgettine monastery of Munkeliv in Bergen, Norway. As had been the case in Vadstena some time before, the Norwegian monastery had suffered disagreement concerning the superior position of the abbess in relation to the brothers. Johannes was elected confessor general during his stay in Munkeliv, and according to a letter from the abbess Ragnhild Bergsdotter to Vadstena, he had a wholesome effect on the monastery (DN 16, no. 114 [C 3, fol. 24r]; about Johannes’s stay in Munkeliv, see further DN 16, no. 113 [C 3, fol. 24r], no. 115 [C 3, fol. 24r-v], no. 116 [C 6, fol. 92r], no. 117 [C 6, fol. 92r], no. 118 [C 3, fol. 23v], no. 119 [C 6, fol. 92r], no. 120 [C 6, fol. 102r], no. 133 [C 3, fol. 33r], no. 135 [C 3, fol. 34v-35r], no. 136 [C 3, fol. 34r-v], no. 137 [C 3, fol. 32v]). He returned to Vadstena on 23 June 1441, having successfully accomplished all the commissions (Diarium Vadstenense, GEJROT 1988 (ed.), 205, no. 514).

The sources are strikingly taciturn about Johannes’s last thirteen years of life. We are informed by the Diarium Vadstenense that he died on 26 April 1454, having received the sacraments (GEJROT 1988, 228, no. 646). A question that has to be put forward in this context is why Johannes was never elected confessor general at Vadstena Abbey. His knowledge of legal and linguistic matters was, as is manifested in C 6, very considerable indeed. In all probability he was able to speak at least three different languages, Swedish, Latin, and German; presumably his native language was German (see ANDERSSON-SCHMITT 2001, passim). Few, if any, in the monastery had the same experience in the diplomatic field. Nevertheless, it is obvious that his capacity for elocution left something to be desired. During his studies in Prague he wrote a letter to his benefactor in Sweden announcing that he had visited a doctor “to be cured of the speech impediment from which I suffer, alas” (super defectum lingwe, quem, prochdolor, pacior, C 6, fol. 37v; STÅHL 2006, 204). In a letter from 1415-1416 he complains about not being able to help his fellow-brothers in preaching, since his tongue never stops stammering: [...] confratres mei continuo tam laboriosam portant predicacionis sarcinam [...], nec eos valeo in huiusmodi fraternaliter adiuvare, cum lingwa mea non desinit titubare (C 6, fol. 66v; STÅHL 2006, 206). Where personal characteristics are concerned, we are informed that Johannes had a beneficial effect on the brothers, even if he did not have the privilege of eloquence: [...] et si facundie non gaudet privilegio, viget tamen in consilio saniori et solacio fraternali (C 6, fol. 47r; ed. SD no. 2247). Johannes Hildebrandi’s major work as an author, or rather editor in this case, is the C 6 at the Uppsala University Library (see Work). He is further supposed to have translated into Swedish the Vita S. Anscharii, “Sancti Ansgarii hælgha lifwerne”, and The Saga of Barlaam and Josaphat (from the Golden Legend); both texts are preserved in A 49 at the Royal Library in Stockholm. The manuscript Br. 1 (Linköping, Diocesan Library), which can be described as a sort of “Summa dictaminis”, has been previously attributed to Johannes Hildebrandi, at least in parts (see, for example, WESTERLUND-SETTERDAHL 1915-1943, vol. 1, 249; GÖDEL 1916, 19; KLNM 3, 70-71). It is now fully established, however, that Johannes’s hand-writing is not to be found in Br. 1, even if the codex could have been in his possession at some time (cf. FRIEDLAENDER 1956, 123-124).


Uppsala, University Library, C 6 is a manuscript on paper, measuring 22 x 15 cm., dating from the first half of the fifteenth century. The codex is bound in a cover of grey parchment without any particular ornament. On the front-cover, which is quite worn, is written Liber iste griseus habet formam quarundam litterarum, and furthermore the inscription I iiii 9, on the inside of the front-cover written I 4o 9us in ordine, indicates the place of the manuscript in the library at Vadstena Abbey (see Medieval reception and transmission). The manuscript comprises 107 leaves which mainly contain the handwriting of Johannes Hildebrandi. (For a more detailed codicological description, see MHUU 1, 65-90; STÅHL 1998, 31-61.)

In the book Johannes has copied all kinds of prose and poetry that attracted his attention and interest (see Summary of contents). The main part, however, comprises a large collection of letters, in most cases transcribed as form letters numbering about 400. The collection is in many ways unique. In the manuscript both private and more official documents are found, illustrating ecclesiastical matters, politics, life and culture in the Swedish diocese of Linköping in particular, and in Sweden and other countries in general during the period from ca. 1350 to ca. 1440, though the majority of the acts originate from 1400-1420. What makes the manuscript especially interesting is the connection with one specific person, Johannes Hildebrandi, through whose eyes the events of the time are observed.


The manuscript should be described as a formulary (lat. formularium; see, for instance, GMLS) rather than a letter-book in the traditional sense of the word. In Swedish the manuscript is often referred to as “Johannes Hildebrandis kopiebok” (The letter-book of Johannes Hildebrandi), a denomination originating from the beginning of the twentieth century.


Parts of the manuscript have been edited in the following works:

  • BENZELIUS, E. 1709: Monumenta historica vetera ecclesiae Sveogothicae, Uppsala. [Eleven letters from C 6 edited in the chapter “Miscellanea epistolarum”.]
  • CELSIUS, O. 1717: Continuatio de coenubiis Birgittinis pars prior. Coenubium Vatstenense. Diss. resp. A.A. Burman, Uppsala.
  • BENZELIUS, E. 1721: Diarium Vazstenense ab ipsis initiis monasterii ad ejusdem destructionem ex ms. edidit, bullis, diplomatibus, ac notis illustravit Ericus Benzelius Er. Filius, Uppsala. [Four texts from C 6 edited in the appendix.]
  • VON TROIL, U. 1791: Skrifter och handlingar til Uplysning i Swenska Kyrko och Reformations Historien (vol. 4, 367-73; vol. 5, 345-49), Uppsala.
  • FANT, E.M. 1818: SRS I:1, 224.
  • SCHRÖDER, J.H. 1848: Andreas Johannis episcopus Strengnensis a. MCDIX-MCDXIX ejusque sub schismate occidentali aerumnae. Resp. G.A. Hofstedt, Uppsala.
  • DN, Kristiania 1849-1914.
  • • SD, vol. 1-4, Stockholm 1875-1904. [About 90 letters edited from C 6].
  • LINDBLOM, A. 1902: “En omtvistad biskopsstol i Sverige under kyrkoschismen,” in Bidrag till Sveriges medeltidshistoria tillegnade C.G. Malmström, Uppsala.
  • NYBERG, T. 1974: “Pierusze documenty Wladyslawa Jagielly dla polskiego klasztoru brygidek,” Zapisky historyczne 39, Warszawa-Poznan.
  • AILI 1990, 212-218.
  • STÅHL, P. 1995: “Två apokalyptiska brevformulär från början av 1400-talet om drottning Margareta och påveschismen,” Symbolae Septentrionales. Latin Studies Presented to Jan Öberg, Stockholm.
  • • STÅHL, P. 1998: Johannes Hildebrandi, Liber epistularis (Cod. Upsal. C 6). I. Lettres nos 1 à 109 (fol. 1r à 16r). Édition critique avec des analyses et une introduction. Diss., Stockholm. [This dissertation presents a critical edition of the first 109 letters of the codex, containing the Latin text with a critical apparatus. In a separate part each letter has been analysed in French concerning the main content, where suggestions have been made on dates, proper names etc. not explicitly indicated in the Latin text. A general survey of the author, the manuscript, and the genre to which the manuscript belongs are given in the introduction. The edition is supplemented by illustrations from the manuscript, indices, and a glossary.]
  • • STÅHL, P. 2006: “Johannes Hildebrandi i Prag och Vadstena. Medeltida privatbrev berättar om talfel och glasögon,” in Dicit scriptura. Studier i C-samlingen tillägnade Monica Hedlund, ed. Sara Risberg, Stockholm.


(Swedish) AILI 1990 [two documents translated, 212-18]. (Swedish) STÅHL 1995 (see Editions). (Swedish) STÅHL forthc. (see Editions)

Summary of contents

The contents of the manuscript can be divided into four major categories: (1) Didactic prose and poetry, notably 142 verses from Laborintus, a Latin poem composed in the thirteenth century by Eberhardus Alemannus. The poem has erroneously been attributed to Eberhardus Bethuniensis (cf. FARAL 1924, 38-39). (2) Extracts from different documents, mainly connected with the Order of St. Birgitta, e.g. Regula Sancti Salvatoris. (3) Recipes and prescriptions in Latin and German, notably for the cure of headache and leprosy. (4) Form letters in Swedish, Norwegian, and Latin. In this context only the form letters in Latin will be treated, since they certainly comprise the most interesting and original part of the manuscript, besides representing by far the largest category.

Form letters in Swedish, Norwegian, and Latin

The form letters are transcribed from documents of both private and official nature. Most of the original documents are lost, i.e. the forms are all that have survived until the present day. The documents reflect to a high degree the life of the editor himself, and it is quite possible to consider the whole collection as a “curriculum vitae” of Johannes Hildebrandi.

Letters connected with the chapter or with the bishop of Linköping

At the beginning of the codex most forms are extracted from letters connected with the chapter or with the bishop of Linköping. These documents originate in most cases from the years 1403-1415, when Johannes held a position at the chapter. However, some of the transcribed letters date from the fourteenth century, since Johannes could easily find a huge amount of older documents in the chapter archives or at the episcopal chancery. The subjects in this kind of form are, for instance, the collection and payment of tithes, especially the tithe belonging to the canons at the cathedral (decimae canonicales), and the payment of rent by the tenant farmers.

Letters concerning the Great Schism in the Catholic Church

Another category of ecclesiastical documents reflects the national and international consequences of the Great Schism in the Catholic Church 1378-1417. At one moment around 1410, after the Council of Pisa, the Church had no fewer than three popes at the same time, a situation that led to confusion, notably about episcopal appointments. The conflict between Queen Margaret (head of the political union between Denmark, Norway, and Sweden) and the Swedish clergy is illustrated in many of the form letters (cf. STÅHL 1995, 263 f.).

Letters concerning the life of students

As in a great number of other formularies and collections of letters from the Middle Ages, there are letters which concern the life of students. These forms are extracted from letters either written by or written to Johannes or other students in Prague and Paris; they are most valuable in throwing light on the academic conditions of their time. The letters are often addressed to the sender’s benefactor, usually an ecclesiastic patron, and a large element seems to consist of requests for money. (About student letters from Paris, see AILI 1990, 208-19.)

Letters sent to, or from, kings, popes, cardinals, etc.

A more diversified group of forms is represented by letters sent to, or from, kings, popes, cardinals, etc. These documents are in most cases connected with either the canonization process of St. Birgitta or the Bridgettine embassy at the Council of Constance 1414-1418 and the diplomatic efforts in the following years. It is worthy of note that the oldest evidence of the use of spectacles in Sweden, and probably in Scandinavia as a whole, is found in C 6. When returning from Paris in 1414, Johannes bought a collection of lenses, probably in Bruges. After his arrival in Sweden, he obviously presented the bishop of Linköping, Knut Bosson, with a pair of spectacles. In a letter to the bishop Johannes ends with the following passage: Item oculares vestros vitreos, quos vobis dedi, cum sint confracti michi transmittere, si placuerit paternitati vestre, alios integros remittere non omittam [...] (C 6, fol. 66v; ed. STÅHL 2006, 207). (Furthermore, if it would please you, father, to return the spectacles which I gave you, since they are damaged, I will certainly send you another undamaged pair.)

Composition and style

The medieval formularies and collections of letters must be considered in the light of ars dictandi, a highly extensive genre in the Middle Ages. The knowledge of epistolary art was essential to everyone who wanted to make a career, particularly in the Church. Instruction in the composition of letters and official acts was given in the schools and chancelleries by the so-called dictatores. In a strictly hierarchic society, like that in the Middle Ages, it was extremely important to address a person in the correct manner. This is the reason for collecting letters and making up form letters, as models for future letter-writing. (About medieval formularies in general, see, for example, ROCKINGER 1863-1864, STÅHL 1998, 25-30 with further references; KLNM 3, 69-71.)

The specific parts of an official act were the following:


Invocatio: e.g. In nomine Dei.

Intitulatio: Name and title of the sender.

Inscriptio: Name and title of the receiver.

Salutatio: The greeting, e.g. salutem.


Arenga/Exordium: General reflection, often with some kind of proverb quoted.

Promulgatio/Publicatio/Notificatio: Any kind of declaration (Noverint omnes christifideles...).

Narratio: Facts and circumstances of the document.

Dispositio: Manifestation of the sender’s will (Unde volumus, quatenus...).

Sanctio: Threat to punish those who do not follow what has been expressed in the dispositio.

Corroboratio: Formula of confirmation.



Apprecatio: e.g. Amen.

Subscriptio: Signature of the sender (or the chancellor).

Not all these parts are always included in every document; there is a certain difference in this respect between the official acts and the more or less private letters. The latter category tends to follow a more simple division with salutatio, captatio benevolentiae, narratio, petitio and conclusio. Since there are documents of both private and more official characteristic in C 6, we find letters from both types of division.

The greatest attention was paid to the salutation-formula. In the letters collected by Johannes the salutation usually consists of a phrase in the ablative, sometimes abounding in rhetoric extravagance, e.g. Spiritu consolacionis anxietati mentis vestre ex cordis mei penetralibus intimis preoptato (C 6, fol. 7r; ed. STÅHL 1998, 92, no. 51). Typical of forms is the omission of proper names, dates, etc. In lieu of a proper name the editor of the formulary could simply write the initial or the letter N.(= nomen). It is not easy to distinguish the letters written by Johannes himself from the letters originally produced by others. Since the syntax and style of Latin letters, especially after ca. 1200, had congealed into uniformity as a result of the study of ars dictandi, any particular originality where the language is concerned is not to be expected. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that the medieval letter collections do not attract our interest mainly because of their style, but rather because of the contents and the facts they reveal to posterity.

However, in order to illustrate the style of Johannes and thus very representative of the epistolary genre of the time, a passage from C 6 fol. 5v may be quoted. The letter, which dates from the year 1418, is written by Johannes to a brother residing at the newly founded Bridgettine monastery of Mariental (Vallis Mariae) near Reval. Parts of abbreviated names not written in the manuscript are underlined: Humili mei recommendacione in Virginis Filio prelibata. Pro innumeris beneficiis vestris ac caritatis indiciis, quibus me indignum respicere dignamini, grates refero multiformes ac specialiter pro fratre meo domino Gerlaco Crusa, confratre et conventuali vestro. Quem una cum socio suo I... inveni ante me Sudercopie die sanctorum Felicis et Aduacti, quos adduxi ad fratres in Wastenis crastino beati Egidii, ubi audito eorum adventu facta est in Domino communis exultacio, et regratiabantur vobis coram utroque conventu pro eo, quod laudabiliter et honeste vos erga eos habuistis. Et utinam non obstarent improbitates et rebelliones quorundam civitatensium Revaliensium ac aliorum de cruciferis! Esset summe necessarium, quod ad tempus staretis cum illis noviciis pro ampliori eorum informacione, et hoc totis nisibus affectarem. [...] (C 6, fol. 5v; ed. STÅHL 1998, 87, no. 39:1-4).

(With humble recommendation of myself sent before in the Son of the Virgin. On account of the innumerable benefits and manifestations of charity, by which you have deigned to take care of me, though unworthy, I give you many thanks and especially on behalf of my brother Gerlacus Cruse, your fellow-brother. I found him and his fellow I. before me in Söderköping on the day of St. Felix and St. Adauctus (30 August), and I escorted them to the brothers in Vadstena on the day after St. Giles’s day (2 September). When their arrival was heard about, there was a common exultation in the Lord and they thanked you in front of both convents because of your laudable and honorable behaviour to them. Alas, if only the depravities and rebellions of some of the citizens of Reval and others of the Teutonic Order were not being obstructive! It would be most necessary for you to stay, for the time being, with the novices for their further instruction. This I would strive for with all my strength.)

Purpose and audience

The purpose of medieval formularies has been discussed above (see Composition and style). We have to assume that Johannes had already started to transcribe the letters etc. as a student in Prague. Having returned to Sweden and Linköping, he continued to collect documents which he thought could be useful as models for other letter-writing in his future career. (About the use of the manuscript in Vadstena Abbey see Medieval reception and transmission).

Medieval reception and transmission

The codex was probably the private property of Johannes Hildebrandi as long as he lived. This means that the book followed its owner when Johannes became a brother at Vadstena Abbey. It is not possible to decide at what point of time the book became a part of the regular collection of books at the library of Vadstena Abbey. Most likely this did not happen until after Johannes’s death. However, we cannot overlook the possibility that the manuscript was used as a formulary by other brothers in the monastery during his lifetime. There are several indications showing that the book was used a long time after the death of Johannes. Headings and other kinds of notes have been added in the margins by various scribes (see STÅHL 1998, 40-47). At the end of the codex there are a couple of forms transcribed from as late as the beginning of the sixteenth century. After the reformation and the dissolution of Vadstena Abbey in the sixteenth century, all books of the library were either destroyed or sent to Stockholm. C 6, as most of the extant manuscripts in Latin from Vadstena, was donated by the Swedish King Gustavus Adolphus around 1620 to the newly founded University Library of Uppsala.


  • AILI, H. 1990: Röster från svensk medeltid, ed. by H. Aili, O. Ferm, H. Gustavson, Stockholm.
  • ANDERSSON-SCHMITT, M. 2001: “Johannes Hildebrandi – Karriere eines Niederdeutschen in Schweden,” Niederdeutsches Jahrbuch 124.
  • • BRILIOTH, Y. 1925: Svensk kyrka, kungadöme och påvemakt 1363-1414, Uppsala.
  • FARAL, E. 1924: Les arts poétiques du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle. Recherche et documents sur la technique littéraire du moyen âge. (Bibliothèque de l’école des hautes études, fasc. 238), Paris.
  • FRIEDLAENDER, I. 1956: “Processus Satanae contra genus hominum. En förbisedd litterär text i en formulärbok från Vadstena kloster,” in Archivistica et mediaevistica Ernesto Nygren oblata (Samlingar och studier utgivna av Svenskt arkivsamfund 1), Stockholm.
  • FRIEDLAENDER, I. 1963: “Suppliker från Vadstena kloster och dess gynnare 1416-1419,” Kyrkohistorisk årsskrift 1963, Uppsala.
  • GEJROT, C. 1988: Diarium Vadstenense. The Memorial Book of Vadstena Abbey. A Critical Edition with an Introduction, Stockholm.
  • GÖDEL, V. 1916: Sveriges medeltidslitteratur, Stockholm.
  • HENNING, S. 1960: Skrivarformer och Vadstenaspråk i Siælinna thrøst. En texthistorisk och filologisk undersökning, (SFSS 66), Uppsala.
  • • HÖJER, T. 1905: Studier i Vadstena klosters och birgittinordens historia intill midten af 1400-talet, Uppsala.
  • LINDROTH, S. 1975: Svensk lärdomshistoria 1, Medeltiden. Reformationstiden, Stockholm.
  • LOSMAN, B. 1970: Norden och reformkonsilierna 1408-1449, Göteborg.
  • • MHUU
  • NYBERG, T. 1965: Birgittinische Klostergründungen des Mittelalters, Lund-Leiden.
  • • ÖBERG, J. 1973: “Johannes Hildebrandi,” in SBL, vol. 20, Stockholm.
  • ROCKINGER, L. 1863-64: Briefsteller und Formelbücher des 11. bis 14. Jahrhunderts, München, (Aalen 1969).
  • SCHMID, T. 1951: “Medicinsk lärdom i det medeltida Sverige,” Fornvännen 1951, Stockholm.
  • SCHNELL, I. 1934: “Notiser om glasögonens historia i Sverige,” Fataburen 1934, Stockholm.
  • SCHÜCK, H. 1893: “Anteckningar om den äldsta bokhandeln i Sverge,” in Festskrift med anledning af Svenska bokförläggareföreningens femtiårs-jubileum den 4 december 1893, Stockholm.
  • • SCHÜCK, H. 1959: Ecclesia Lincopensis. Studier om Linköpingskyrkan under medeltiden och Gustav Vasa, Stockholm.
  • SILFVERSTOLPE, C. 1891: En blick i Vadstena klosters arkiv och bibliotek, (Ur några antecknares samlingar, tillägnat G. E. Klemming), Uppsala.
  • SILFVERSTOLPE, C. 1898: Klosterfolket i Vadstena. Personhistoriska anteckningar, Stockholm.
  • WESTERLUND-SETTERDAHL 1915-1943: Linköpings stifts herdaminne, vol. 1-4, ed. J.A. Westerlund, J.A. Setterdahl, E. Meurling, Linköping.