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Arnfastus Monachus

Sthop9388 — Thu, 12 Mar 2026 01:32:03 GMT

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	== Work ==		== Work ==
	Excerpta quædam ex Arnfasti Monachi Poemate de miraculis S. Kanuti regis et martyris.
			=== Excerpta quædam ex Arnfasti Monachi Poemate de miraculis S. Kanuti regis et martyris. ===

	==== Title ====		==== Title ====
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	Neither scholar’s line of argumentation is particularly solid, and some important counterarguments must be mentioned here. The idea that Arnfast would have attributed the fire to King Abel is uncertain at best, as such an attribution might have been avoided for reasons of diplomacy and tact, seeing that Abel was, after all, a member of the royal family. Moreover, if the poem had been composed before the murder of King Erik Plovpenning in 1250, Abel might not have been as clear-cut an antagonist as modern commentators would expect.		Neither scholar’s line of argumentation is particularly solid, and some important counterarguments must be mentioned here. The idea that Arnfast would have attributed the fire to King Abel is uncertain at best, as such an attribution might have been avoided for reasons of diplomacy and tact, seeing that Abel was, after all, a member of the royal family. Moreover, if the poem had been composed before the murder of King Erik Plovpenning in 1250, Abel might not have been as clear-cut an antagonist as modern commentators would expect.

	Gertz’s dating relies mainly on the translation of ‘sanctuario’ or ‘sanctuarium’ as ‘shrine’. However, an alternative translation is simply ‘sanctuary’ or ‘holiest of holies’. In this case, the word might refer to the choir of the church, as is how [[Ailnothus]] employs this term in chapter 28 of Gesta Swenomagni where Knud’s martyrdom takes place ‘ad orientem sanctuarii’, in the eastern part of the sanctuary (GERTZ 1912, 120). Since the last line of the poem is formulated as ‘Cuius corpus tumulo illic condebatur’, ‘whose body was buried there in the grave’, it seems that Arnfast attributes Knud’s protection of the Church of St Alban to the fact that this was where he was first buried after his martyrdom. Since Knud’s body had rested in a grave in St Alban’s, Knud was also protective of this holy space. Arnfast’s use of the word ‘tumulo’, ‘grave’, might mean that it is not the shrine but the first burial place that is importance for explaining Knud’s patronage of the Church of St Alban. This usage is also suggested when comparing with the first antiphon for Laudes in the office for St Knud, the Historia Kanuti. This antiphon concludes with the verses ‘miranda sunt post obitum / ad eius gesta tumulum’ (‘after his death, wonders were performed at his grave’) (HOPE 2017, LXXIII. Curiously, this word is also written out in a marginal comment to this antiphon in a copy of Breviarium Othoniense, now Kongelige Bibliotek LN 29, f.262). Finally, we must also note that Arnfastus himself uses the word ‘sacraria’ in stanza V when referring to the shrine of St Knud, although this might be due to scansion. Consequently, Gertz’s argument about Knud’s shrine being placed in the Church of St Alban in the mid-thirteenth century is far from certain.		Gertz’s dating relies mainly on the translation of ‘sanctuario’ or ‘sanctuarium’ as ‘shrine’. However, an alternative translation is simply ‘sanctuary’ or ‘holiest of holies’. In this case, the word might refer to the choir of the church, as is how [[Ailnothus]] employs this term in chapter 28 of Gesta Swenomagni where Knud’s martyrdom takes place ‘ad orientem sanctuarii’, in the eastern part of the sanctuary (GERTZ 1912, 120). Since the last line of the poem is formulated as ‘Cuius corpus tumulo illic condebatur’, ‘whose body was buried there in the grave’, it seems that Arnfast attributes Knud’s protection of the Church of St Alban to the fact that this was where he was first buried after his martyrdom. Since Knud’s body had rested in a grave in St Alban’s, Knud was also protective of this holy space. Arnfast’s use of the word ‘tumulo’, ‘grave’, might mean that it is not the shrine but the first burial place that is importance for explaining Knud’s patronage of the Church of St Alban. This usage is also suggested when comparing with the first antiphon for Laudes in the office for St Knud, the Historia Kanuti. This antiphon concludes with the verses ‘miranda sunt post obitum / ad eius gesta tumulum’ (‘after his death, wonders were performed at his grave’) (HOPE 2017, LXXIII.) Curiously, this word is also written out in a marginal comment to this antiphon in a copy of Breviarium Othoniense, now Kongelige Bibliotek LN 29, f.262). Finally, we must also note that Arnfastus himself uses the word ‘sacraria’ in stanza V when referring to the shrine of St Knud, although this might be due to scansion. Consequently, Gertz’s argument about Knud’s shrine being placed in the Church of St Alban in the mid-thirteenth century is far from certain.

	Finally, Gertz’s suggestion that the memory of Bishop Simon would rather have been evoked in the thirteenth century than in the fifteenth century is possible. However, if Arnfast had used the now-lost miracle collection kept at the shrine of St Knud, the name of Simon might have been part of a familiar story often recounted to the monastic community at the feast of St Knud.		Finally, Gertz’s suggestion that the memory of Bishop Simon would rather have been evoked in the thirteenth century than in the fifteenth century is possible. However, if Arnfast had used the now-lost miracle collection kept at the shrine of St Knud, the name of Simon might have been part of a familiar story often recounted to the monastic community at the feast of St Knud.

Sancta Ragnildis

Sthop9388 — Wed, 11 Mar 2026 11:27:40 GMT

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Sanctus Suithunus

Sthop9388 — Wed, 11 Mar 2026 11:06:54 GMT

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	by Steffen Hope		by Steffen Hope

	Swithun was bishop of Winchester in the mid-ninth century. Based on evidence from charters, Michael Lapidge has suggested that his episcopate covered the period 852-63 (LAPIDGE 2003, 4). As suggested by the celebration of Swithun’s ''dies natalis'', he died on July 2. On the orders of Bishop Æthelwold of Winchester (r.963-84), his body was exhumed and translated to a more prominent place within cathedral on July 15, 971 (LAPIDGE 2003, 8). Swithun’s cult became widespread throughout England, and was one of the most important native cults in the Middle Ages. Within the Norse sphere, the cult of St Swithun was strongest in Norway, and the only known surviving text pertaining to Swithun that was composed specifically for a Nordic institution is a liturgical office used in Stavanger.		Swithun was bishop of Winchester in the mid-ninth century. Based on evidence from charters, Michael Lapidge has suggested that his episcopate covered the period 852-63 (LAPIDGE 2003, 4). As suggested by the celebration of Swithun’s ''dies natalis'', he died on July 2. On the orders of Bishop Æthelwold of Winchester (r.963-84), his body was exhumed and translated to a more prominent place within cathedral on July 15, 971 (LAPIDGE 2003, 8). Swithun’s cult became widespread throughout England, and was one of the most important native cults in the Middle Ages. Within the Norse sphere, the cult of St Swithun was strongest in Norway (cf. TOY 2009, 167, 170), and the only known surviving text pertaining to Swithun that was composed specifically for a Nordic institution is a liturgical office used in Stavanger. (The mass and the office for St Swithun was also included in Danish and Swedish manuscripts - for an overview, see TOY 2009, 167-86 - but these texts appear to have simply been imported from abroad, and should not be considered Nordic texts.)

	The reason why Stavanger was a hub for the cult of St Swithun is most likely that when the city was established as an episcopal see sometime in the 1120s, the first bishop was Rainald (or Reinald) who might have come from Winchester (LAPIDGE 2003, 56-57). According to an inventory from 1517, Stavanger cathedral possessed one of St Swithun’s arms, and it is likely that this relic was brought by Rainald for the consecration of the cathedral. Consequently, Swithun was the patron saint of Stavanger diocese.		The reason why Stavanger was a hub for the cult of St Swithun is most likely that when the city was established as an episcopal see sometime in the 1120s, the first bishop was Rainald (or Reinald) who might have come from Winchester (LAPIDGE 2003, 56-57). According to an inventory from 1517, Stavanger cathedral possessed one of St Swithun’s arms, and it is likely that this relic was brought by Rainald for the consecration of the cathedral. Consequently, Swithun was the patron saint of Stavanger diocese.
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	Based on sources from the thirteenth century, it seems that St Swithun was regarded as an important saint within the Norwegian church organisation. The inclusion of both the ''dies natalis'' (July 2) and the ''translatio'' (July 15) in Icelandic manuscripts that are believed to contain the Ordo Nidrosiensis – the liturgical repertoire for the entire Norwegian church province – suggests that Swithun was venerated throughout Norway in the course of the thirteenth century, at least by the clergy. A few other thirteenth-century documents further support the hypothesis that Swithun had some importance outside of Stavanger diocese. In 1280, King Eirik Magnusson (r.1280-99) was crowned on July 2 in the cathedral of Bergen (DN 1, 69). On July 14 of the same year, Bishop Thorfinn of Hamar issued a proclamation of indulgence for 40 days to those who visited or otherwise helped the recently burned cathedral church of St Swithun (DN 3, 249).		Based on sources from the thirteenth century, it seems that St Swithun was regarded as an important saint within the Norwegian church organisation. The inclusion of both the ''dies natalis'' (July 2) and the ''translatio'' (July 15) in Icelandic manuscripts that are believed to contain the Ordo Nidrosiensis – the liturgical repertoire for the entire Norwegian church province – suggests that Swithun was venerated throughout Norway in the course of the thirteenth century, at least by the clergy. A few other thirteenth-century documents further support the hypothesis that Swithun had some importance outside of Stavanger diocese. In 1280, King Eirik Magnusson (r.1280-99) was crowned on July 2 in the cathedral of Bergen (DN 1, 69). On July 14 of the same year, Bishop Thorfinn of Hamar issued a proclamation of indulgence for 40 days to those who visited or otherwise helped the recently burned cathedral church of St Swithun (DN 3, 249).

	In later medieval Norway, Swithun’s main feast appears to have been July 15 since his ''dies natalis'' was replaced by the feast of Visitatio Mariae after 1389 (DYBDAHL ~~2011b~~, ~~138~~; see also DYBDAHL ~~2011a~~). In Breviarium Nidrosiense (1519), Swithun is included in the litany, and the calendar includes his translation feast with the rank of semiduplex, the second highest liturgical rank. Breviarium Nidrosiense contains both a text for his translation, comprised of six lessons, and also the Historia de Sancti Suithuno, comprised of nine lessons, which is placed towards the end of the breviary along with other feasts that have been appended to the sanctorale, including the feast of [[Sanctus Kanutus rex\|Sanctus Kanutus Rex]].		In later medieval Norway, Swithun’s main feast appears to have been July 15 since his ''dies natalis'' was replaced by the feast of Visitatio Mariae after 1389 (DYBDAHL 2011a, 170-72; see also DYBDAHL 2011b, 138). In Breviarium Nidrosiense (1519), Swithun is included in the litany, and the calendar includes his translation feast with the rank of semiduplex, the second highest liturgical rank. Breviarium Nidrosiense contains both a text for his translation, comprised of six lessons, and also the Historia de Sancti Suithuno, comprised of nine lessons, which is placed towards the end of the breviary along with other feasts that have been appended to the sanctorale, including the feast of [[Sanctus Kanutus rex\|Sanctus Kanutus Rex]].

	== Historia de Sancto Suithuno ==		== Historia de Sancto Suithuno ==
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	* GJERLØW, L. 1979: Antiphonarium Nidrosiensis ecclesiae, Oslo, 143-45, 184-85.		* GJERLØW, L. 1979: Antiphonarium Nidrosiensis ecclesiae, Oslo, 143-45, 184-85.
	* LAPIDGE, M. 2003: The Cult of St. Swithun, Oxford, 129-33.		* LAPIDGE, M. 2003: The Cult of St. Swithun, Oxford, 129-33.
			* TOY, J. 2009; English saints in the medieval liturgies of Scandinavian churches, London, 181-86.
	* SPERBER, I. 2019: Breviarium Nidrosiense, Oslo, 1342-48.		* SPERBER, I. 2019: Breviarium Nidrosiense, Oslo, 1342-48.

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	Lesson 5 describes how Swithun became bishop on the death of Helmstan. Responsory 5 (Pauperibus miseris) praises his care for the poor.		Lesson 5 describes how Swithun became bishop on the death of Helmstan. Responsory 5 (Pauperibus miseris) praises his care for the poor.

	Lesson 6 recounts that Swithun was supported by Æthelwulf, the king’s son and successor. Responsory 6 (Uiuendi metas) is a reflection on how those who ~~life~~ a virtuous life will be rewarded.		Lesson 6 recounts that Swithun was supported by Æthelwulf, the king’s son and successor. Responsory 6 (Uiuendi metas) is a reflection on how those who live a virtuous life will be rewarded.

	The first two of the three antiphons of the third nocturne (Adesse cupit; Eterno regi paruit) reflect on the rewards of pious living. The third antiphon (Euoluto) repeats Swithun’s elevation to the rank of bishop, repeating some of the words from lesson 5.		The first two of the three antiphons of the third nocturne (Adesse cupit; Eterno regi paruit) reflect on the rewards of pious living. The third antiphon (Euoluto) repeats Swithun’s elevation to the rank of bishop, repeating some of the words from lesson 5.
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	=== Composition and style ===		=== Composition and style ===
	The collect and the lessons are all written in prose. For further details, see LAPIDGE 2003, 123, and GJERLØW 1979, 143).		The collect and the lessons are all written in prose. (For further details, see LAPIDGE 2003, 123, and GJERLØW 1979, 143).

	Most of the antiphons and responsories are written in syllable-counting rhymed verse, except the first Vesper antiphon. This style is typical of late twelfth-century liturgy, and consists of lines where the stress falls on either the penultimate or antepenultimate syllable, also known as paroxytone (p) or pro-paroxytone (pp) stress.		Most of the antiphons and responsories are written in syllable-counting rhymed verse, except the first Vesper antiphon. This style is typical of late twelfth-century liturgy, and consists of lines where the stress falls on either the penultimate or antepenultimate syllable, also known as paroxytone (p) or pro-paroxytone (pp) stress.
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	In the following overview, the chants are presented in the order in which they appear in the liturgical office.		In the following overview, the chants are presented in the order in which they appear in the liturgical office.

	The Magnificat antiphon consists of 8 lines of rhyming couplets. The lines are all in proparoxytone stress and each line contains 8 syllables, with the exception of the second line – ‘gaude gens Stauangrie’ – which has only 7 syllables. In both Analecta Hymnica (DREVES 1892, 235 and in the edition of Antiphonarium Nidrosiense GJERLØW (1979, 184) this line has been hyper-corrected by the addition another syllable to make the meter. The line therefore reads ‘gaude gens Stauangariae’ in DREVES 1892. This hyper-correction has been carried over into the edition by LAPIDGE (2003, 129). In Breviarium Nidrosiense, however, the line only consists of 7 syllables. In the edition of Breviarium Nidrosiense by SPERBER (2019, 1343), the line is correctly transcribed.		The Magnificat antiphon consists of 8 lines of rhyming couplets. The lines are all in proparoxytone stress and each line contains 8 syllables, with the exception of the second line – ‘gaude gens Stauangrie’ – which has only 7 syllables. In both Analecta Hymnica (DREVES 1892, 235 and in the edition of Antiphonarium Nidrosiense GJERLØW (1979, 184) this line has been hyper-corrected by the addition of another syllable to make the meter complete. The line therefore reads ‘gaude gens Stauangariae’ in DREVES 1892. This hyper-correction has been carried over into the edition by LAPIDGE (2003, 129). In Breviarium Nidrosiense, however, the line only consists of 7 syllables. In the edition of the office in TOY (2009) and in the edition of Breviarium Nidrosiense by SPERBER (2019, 1343), the line is correctly transcribed.

	The invitatory antiphon is a rhyming couplet with two lines of 15 syllables in paroxytone stress.		The invitatory antiphon is a rhyming couplet with two lines of 15 syllables in paroxytone stress.
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	==== Editions ====		==== Editions ====

	* SPERBER, I. 2019: Breviarium Nidrosiense, Oslo, 1078-79.		* TOY, J. 2009: English saints in the medieval liturgies of Scandinavian churches, London, 179-81.
			* SPERBER, I. 2019: Breviarium Nidrosiense, Oslo, 1078-79.

	==== Translations ====		==== Translations ====
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	* HELLE, K. 2009: “Stavanger som By og Kirkelig Sentrum – svar til Eldbjørg Haug,” Historisk Tidsskrift 88:4, 685-97.		* HELLE, K. 2009: “Stavanger som By og Kirkelig Sentrum – svar til Eldbjørg Haug,” Historisk Tidsskrift 88:4, 685-97.
	* KARLSEN, E. AND HAREIDE, S. 2019: “The Nidaros Breviary (1519),” in Breviarium Nidrosiense, ed. I. SPERBER, Oslo, 3-9.		* KARLSEN, E. AND HAREIDE, S. 2019: “The Nidaros Breviary (1519),” in Breviarium Nidrosiense, ed. I. SPERBER, Oslo, 3-9.
	* LAPIDGE, M. 2003: The Cult of St. Swithun, Oxford.		* LAPIDGE, M. 2003: The Cult of St. Swithun, Oxford.
			* TOY, J. 2009: English saints in the medieval liturgies of Scandinavian churches, London.
	* PAC, G. AND HOPE, S. 2025: “Saints and Legitimization of Bishoprics in Poland and Norway until c. 1200,” in Legitimation of the Elites in High Medieval Poland and Norway: Comparative Studies, ed. W. Jezierski, H. J. Orning, and G. Pac, Turnhout, 205-49.		* PAC, G. AND HOPE, S. 2025: “Saints and Legitimization of Bishoprics in Poland and Norway until c. 1200,” in Legitimation of the Elites in High Medieval Poland and Norway: Comparative Studies, ed. W. Jezierski, H. J. Orning, and G. Pac, Turnhout, 205-49.
	* SPERBER, I. 2019: Breviarium Nidrosiense, Oslo.		* SPERBER, I. 2019: Breviarium Nidrosiense, Oslo.

Sanctus Wilhelmus Abbas

Sthop9388 — Wed, 11 Mar 2026 10:34:12 GMT

← Older revision		Revision as of 10:34, 11 March 2026
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	==Bibliography==		==Bibliography==
	*DAMSHOLT, N.: ‘Abbot William of Æbelholt: A Foreigner in Denmark’ pp. 4–19 in ''Medieval Spirituality in Scandinavia and Europe: A Collection of Essays in Honour of Tore Nyberg'' (ed. L. Bisgaard et al.), Odense ~~2001~~.		*DAMSHOLT, N. 2001: ‘Abbot William of Æbelholt: A Foreigner in Denmark’ pp. 4–19 in ''Medieval Spirituality in Scandinavia and Europe: A Collection of Essays in Honour of Tore Nyberg'' (ed. L. Bisgaard et al.), Odense.
	*GAD, T.: ''Legenden i dansk middelalder'', København ~~1961~~.		*GAD, T. 1961: ''Legenden i dansk middelalder'', København.
	*GERTZ, M. Cl.: ''Vitae sanctorum danorum'', København ~~1908–1912~~.		*GERTZ, M. Cl. 1908-1912: ''Vitae sanctorum danorum'', København.
	*GERTZ, M. Cl.: ''Scriptores minores Historiæ Danicæ medii Ævi'', København ~~1917–18~~.		*GERTZ, M. Cl. 1917-18: ''Scriptores minores Historiæ Danicæ medii Ævi'', København.
	*HEEBØLL-HOLM, T. K.: ‘Why was William of Æbelholt Canonized? The Two Lives of Saint William’, pp. 211–34 in ''Historical and Intellectual Culture in the Long Twelfth Century: The Scandinavian Connection'' (eds. M. Münster-Swendsen, T. K. Heebøll-Holm, and S. Sønnesyn), Toronto ~~2016~~.		*HEEBØLL-HOLM, T. K. 2016: ‘Why was William of Æbelholt Canonized? The Two Lives of Saint William’, pp. 211–34 in ''Historical and Intellectual Culture in the Long Twelfth Century: The Scandinavian Connection'' (eds. M. Münster-Swendsen, T. K. Heebøll-Holm, and S. Sønnesyn), Toronto.
	*KRAMER, F. E.: ‘Klostrets historie’‚ pp. 13–29 in ''Æbelholt Klosters Brevbog''. København~~, 2013~~.		*KRAMER, F. E. 2013: ‘Klostrets historie’‚ pp. 13–29 in ''Æbelholt Klosters Brevbog''. København.
	*MORTENSEN, L. B.: ‘Olav den Helliges mirakler i det 12. årh.: Streng tekstkontrol eller fri fabulern?’ pp. 89–107 in ''Olavslegenden og den latinske historieskrivning i 1100-tallets Norge'' (ed. I. Ekrem, L. B. Mortensen, and K. Skovgaard-Petersen), København ~~2000~~.		*MORTENSEN, L. B. 2000: ‘Olav den Helliges mirakler i det 12. årh.: Streng tekstkontrol eller fri fabulern?’ pp. 89–107 in ''Olavslegenden og den latinske historieskrivning i 1100-tallets Norge'' (ed. I. Ekrem, L. B. Mortensen, and K. Skovgaard-Petersen), København.
	*OLRIK, H.: ''Danske helgeners levned'', København ~~1893–1894~~.		*OLRIK, H. 1893-1894: ''Danske helgeners levned'', København.
	*VAN BAAK, N. ‘“The Life and Miracles of Blessed William of Æbelholt”, pp. 353–420 in ''Life at Saint Victor: The'' Liber Ordinis, ''the'' Life of William of Æbelholt ''and a Selection of Works by Hugh, Richard, and Odo of Saint Victor, and Other Authors'' (eds. F. van Liere and J. Mousseau), Turnhout ~~2021~~.		*VAN BAAK, N. 2021: ‘“The Life and Miracles of Blessed William of Æbelholt”, pp. 353–420 in ''Life at Saint Victor: The'' Liber Ordinis, ''the'' Life of William of Æbelholt ''and a Selection of Works by Hugh, Richard, and Odo of Saint Victor, and Other Authors'' (eds. F. van Liere and J. Mousseau), Turnhout.

	[[Category:Article]]		[[Category:Article]]

Sancta Ragnilde

Sthop9388 — Mon, 09 Mar 2026 12:50:12 GMT

Sthop9388 moved page Sancta Ragnilde to Sancta Ragnildis

New page

by Anders Fröjmark

'''Sancta Ragnildis.''' Lay saint, queen, and pilgrim (eleventh to twelfth centuries), buried in Södertälje. Her cult is known from the fifteenth century.

The main testament to her veneration is the text ''De sancta Ragnilde in Thelgis epitaphium'', "Epitaph of St. Ragnhild of Tälje". This is an epitaph of hagiographic character, celebrating the memory of an otherwise little known Swedish queen from c.1100 or the early twelfth century.

== De sancta Ragnilde in Thelgis epitaphium ==

=====Title=====
The work is headed by the title ''De sancta Ragnilde in Thelgis epithaphium''. The final sign has also been read as an “-s” to give “epitaphis”, but after consultation with Latinists Elin Andersson and Erika Kihlman (February 2026), the conclusion is to read it as an abbreviation for “-um”.

In a strict sense, this title applies only to the two versified parts of the work (24 lines), and not to the five lines in prose.

=====Incipit=====
''Sweuorum domina Ragnildis flos sine spina''.

=====Explicit=====
''Nobis summa bona procures alma patrona''.

=====Metre=====
Quantitative leonine hexameter with lines of thirteen to fifteen syllables and with a marked caesura in the pentameter. Deviations from classical quantitative rules are few.

=====Size=====
The text consists of two versified parts with a short commentary (five lines) in between. The first versified part consists of seven lines. After line five at least one line is missing. The second versified part is formed of three groups of six lines each. The final line of the second group is missing, so that only seventeen lines remain.

=====Editions=====
*BENZELIUS, J. 1703: ''Palæstina. Sive de Terra Promissionis, & Singulis in ea Tribubus; item Fatis Variorum Incolarum; & Sveonum Gothorumque Expeditionibus Sacris dissertationes duæ, geographico-historicæ'', pp. 150–52, Upsaliæ.
*BENZELIUS, E. in VASTOVIUS, J. 1708: ''Vitis aquilonia. Sive Vitae sanctorum regni Sveo-Gothici''. Emendavit et notis illustravit Ericus Benzelius filius, Annotationes p. 80. Upsaliae.
*ALM, H. 1931: ‘Drottning Ragnhild och hennes gravskrift i Tälje’, ''Sörmlandsbygden'' 2, pp. 70–71.
*ODENIUS, O. 1973: [Review of] T. Lundén, ''Svenska helgon, Fornvännen'' 68, p. 61.
*LUNDÉN, T. 1983: ''Sveriges missionärer, helgon och kyrkogrundare. En bok om Sveriges kristnande'', pp. 283–84. Storuman.
*UUB (Uppsala University Library), Fragm. ms & lib. lat. 326: “Epitafium över Ragnhild av Södertälje (fragment),” edition in facsimile in ''Alvin: Platform for digital collections and digitized cultural heritage'' urn:nbn:se:alvin:portal:record-384245. Accessed on February 19, 2026.
All editions except the facsimilia contain errors. A new edition is projected.

=====Translations=====

*(Swedish) ALM, H. 1931: ‘Drottning Ragnhild och hennes gravskrift i Tälje’, ''Sörmlandsbygden'' 2, pp. 71–72.
*(Swedish) WEHNER, R. 1959: ‘S:ta Ragnhild i sitt tidevarv’, ''Credo. Katolsk tidskrift'' 40, pp. 25–26.
*(Swedish) LUNDÉN, T. 1983: ''Sveriges missionärer, helgon och kyrkogrundare. En bok om Sveriges kristnande'', p. 284. Storuman.
*(Swedish) MARTLING, Carl Henrik, En svensk helgonkrönika. Skellefteå 2001, pp. 114–115.

== Date and place ==
The text is known from one manuscript copy originally written down on the inside of the back cover of an incunable belonging to the Strängnäs Cathedral Library (ANDERSSON 2021, 62). The incunablein question was printed in Cologne in 1474, and the copy of the epitaph was made in a late fifteenth-century hand. The sheet containing the epitaph has been removed from the book in recent times, and was acquired by the University Library of Uppsala in 1932 (Fragm ms lat 326).

The versified parts are two versions of the epitaph of Ragnhild, a Swedish (according to one source Swedish and Norwegian) queen who is said to have lived ''c''.1100. The fact that Ragnhild is hallowed as a saint in the epitaph leads us to the conclusion that it was made at some distance in time from her death. The epitaph does not mention on which day or in which year St Ragnhild died. This is, indeed, a common characteristic of the early Christian grave monuments or epitaphs in Sweden, but it might just as well be seen as an indication that the epitaph was composed in a time when these dates were no longer known. In this respect, it resembles some late medieval epitaphs in the abbey church of Varnhem commemorating ancient Swedish kings.

According to Bernhard BISCHOFF (quoted by WEHNER 1959, 72, note 4), the epitaph may not be dated earlier than the middle of the thirteenth century.

The commentary between the two versified parts seems to be the copier's remarks. This commentaryis clearly secondary to the versified parts in terms of its value as source material.

== Summary of contents ==
In the first versified part, Ragnhild is referred to as queen of the Swedes (''Sweuorum domina /.../ Regni regina''). She is said to have made a pilgrimage to Rome and Jerusalem. In this way she has become the like of St Helen (mother of Constantine). Finally, the author addresses Ragnhild as the ''alma patrona'', patron of souls, of the citizens of Tälje (present day Södertälje south of Stockholm).

The second, longer, versified part, equally celebrates Ragnhild as the queen of Sweden, having made a pilgrimage to Rome and Jerusalem. In addition, she is said to have founded the church of Tälje and to have enriched it with land and other gifts. As for her descent, she is called ''Halsteni filia'', the daughter of Halsten (or perhaps daughter-in-law; cf. ANDERSSON 2021, p.66). In the final lines, she is described as the ''alma patrona'' who is impelled by the faithful to come to the assistance of those who are ill.

Of special interest is the comparison that is made between Ragnhild and three other women. As a pilgrim, Ragnhild is first contrasted to the wandering Dinah (Genesis 34), and then compared to St Helen. When St Helen is mentioned in the first part of the epitaph, this clearly referred to the finder of the True Cross. Here, in the second part, we might also think of another pilgrim in Swedish hagiography, St Helen (or Elin) of Skövde (cf. [[Sancta Helena de Skövde]]). This association is strengthened by the fact that the third woman referred to is the prophetess Huldah (Oldan; 4 Rg 22,14; 2 Par 34, 22), who figures also in the late-thirteenth-century office of St Helen of Skövde.

The copier's commentary mentions that St Ragnhild rests in Tälje, where, he says, she coruscates with many miracles. During her pilgrimage she was plundered by robbers, but she was then clad by angels. He then comments upon the descent of St Ragnhild. It is written, he says, that she was the wife of king Inge. She was also the daughter of King Halsten, he further states, basing this on the second versified part of the epitaph.

The copier thus adds information that he has gathered from other sources. St Ragnhild's marriage to a king named Inge, her burial in Tälje, and her reputation for holiness are pieces of information that can be gathered from two chronicles of Swedish kings from the 1450s. These are, in fact, the first datable mentions of St Ragnhild.

Nevertheless, the copier's commentary adds confusion to the tradition of St Ragnhild. While the chronicles make her the wife of King Inge Halstensson (''c''.1110–1120/25), the copier seems to have had King Inge Stenkilsson (''c''.1079–1110) in mind. To make matters worse, neither of these could have been married to Ragnhild if she was the daughter of King Halsten. In such a case, Inge Stenkilsson would have been her uncle, and Inge Halstensson her brother. The epitaph and the chronicles reflect different and incompatible traditions concerning the descent and marriage of St Ragnhild, which the copier tries in vain to unite.

== Sources ==
The original epitaph in the church of Tälje is, just like the tomb of St Ragnhild, gone without a trace. They may have been victims of cultic purge in the late sixteenth century.

The sources for the copier's commentary have been discussed above.

A tradition of St Ragnhilds holiness exists both in the epitaph and in the chronicles from the 1450s, but the possible dependence between them can not be ascertained.

No liturgical celebration of the memory of St. Ragnhild is known. The seventeenth-century church historian Johannes Baazius sets forth that St Ragnhild's name was inscribed in the calendar as a saint, but the basis for his assertion is unknown and probably non-existent.

The source for the statement in the second versified part of the epitaph that makes Ragnhild the daughter of Halsten – probably King Halsten – is unknown.

== Purpose and audience ==
The author, or authors, of the two versified parts of our text are celebrating the local saintly patron of the Church of Tälje, in which her grave was also found. She is portrayed as a worthy saint to whom the faithful may justly adress their prayers. She is also a former Swedish queen and – at least to the author of the second part – the founder and original benefactor of the church.

The copier may have been a cleric from the episcopal see at Strängnäs who had the task of gathering information concerning the local tradition about St Ragnhild in Tälje. In his commentary, he has added some statements about the saint, while trying to reconcile different traditions concerning her background and marriage.

== Medieval reception and transmission ==
In the middle of the fifteenth century, St Ragnhild of Tälje found her way into the Swedish historical litterature. She is briefly mentioned in the ''Lilla rimkrönikan'', a rhymed chronicle (ed. G. Klemming 1865 in Svenska medeltidens rim-krönikor, vol. 1, 225–226), and in a 1457 manuscript of the Prosakrönikan (ed. G.E. Klemming 1868–1881 in Småstycken på forn svenska, 234–235). The Uppsala Canon [[Ericus Olai]] mentions her in his ''Chronica regni Gothorum'' (ca 1470; ed E. Heuman & J. Öberg 1993, 63, 69). The ''Cronica Swecie'', an early sixteenth-century prologue to ''Erikskrönikan'' (ed. G. E. Klemming 1865, ''Svenska medeltidens rim-krönikor'' 1, 195), includes her in its enumeration of Swedish saints. Johannes Magnus, Olaus Petri, and other sixteenth-century historiographers followed.

Yet, it is not the epitaph's tradition that was transmitted to new generations. For all that we know, it may well have stayed inside the walls of the Strängnäs Cathedral Library until it was rediscovered by Eric Benzelius and Johan Peringskiöld in the late seventeenth century. Instead, it is the chronicles' version that forms the base for the literary tradition of St Ragnhild.

== Bibliography ==
*ALM, H. 1931: ‘Drottning Ragnhild och hennes gravskrift i Tälje’, ''Sörmlandsbygden'' 2, 70–78.
*ANDERSSON, Elin, “S:ta Ragnhilds epitafium: Försvunnet och återfunnet,” in ''Biblis: Tidskrift för bokhistoria, bibliografi, bokhantverk, samlande'', No 94 (2021), 62–67.
*BAAZIUS, J. 1642: ''Inventarium ecclesiæ sveo-gothorum'', 113, Lincopiæ. [Improbable statement of a liturgical celebration of St. Ragnhild.]
*COLLMAR, M. 1977: ''Strängnäs stifts herdaminne'' 1: ''Medeltiden'', 488–89, Nyköping.
*ELLIS NILSSON, Sara, 2015: ''Creating Holy People and Places on the Periphery A Study of the Emergence of Cults of Native Saints in the Ecclesiastical Provinces of Lund and Uppsala from the Eleventh to the Thirteenth Centuries'', Gothenburg
*ERICUS OLAI, ''Chronica regni Gothorum'', ed. E. Heuman & J. Öberg. Stockholm 1993, pp. 63, 69.
*FRÖJMARK, A. 1996: ‘Ragnhild’, ''Svenskt biografiskt lexikon'' 29, 613–15. [Includes select bibliography.]
*JOHANNES MAGNUS, 1554: ''De omnibvs Gothorvm Sveonvmqve regibvs'', 587–88, Romæ.
*MAPPING LIVED RELIGION PROJECT (2019–2025), “Ragnhild of Tälje”, Mapping Saints Research Resource, Retrieved on February 23, 2026, from https://saints.dh.gu.se/explore/saints/256.
*OLAUS PETRI, 1917: ''En swensk cröneka'', ed J. Sahlgren, 51, Uppsala.
*VASTOVIUS, J. 1708 (1623):''Vitis aquilonia'', ed E. Benzelius, 60–61, annotationes cc. 47–48, 80, Upsaliae.
*WEHNER, R. 1959: ‘S:ta Ragnhild i sitt tidevarv’, ''Credo. Katolsk tidskrift'' 40, 15–35, 55–72.
*WILHELMSSON, Caroline, ''The Queens and Royal Women of Sweden, c. 970–1330: Their Lives, Power, and Legacy''. London & New York 2025, pp. 105–112.
*ZIEGLER, J. 1536 (1532): ''Terrae sanctae ... Syriae, Arabiae, Aegypti et Schondiae ... descriptio'', 103v, xxxxxx. [First mention in printed form of the tradition of St. Ragnhild.]

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