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Clemens Petri

2012-12-30T17:56:21Z

Hkllm:

by Roger Andersson

'''Clemens Petri''' (d. 1500), priest brother at the Birgittine abbey of Vadstena, Sweden, 1462–1500; confessor general 1488–1499; preacher and composer of sermons.

==Sources==
The main primary sources for the life of Clemens Petri are the Diarium Vadstenense (DV) and his preserved correspondence.

==Biography==
There exists no information about the origin and education of Clemens Petri. On 23 November 1462 he was consecrated a priest brother in Vadstena Abbey (DV 726). The sources are then silent about him for another twenty years. In about 1483 he travelled to the daughter house of Vadstena Abbey in Nådendal, Finland, together with Arvidus Nicolai who was later to become confessor general there. In Nådendal he worked successfully to improve conditions (FMU 6689, cf. KLOCKARS 1979, 109 f.). In 1487 he travelled together with [[Johannes Matthei]] to the general chapter of the Birgittine Order in Gnadenberg (Mons gracie) near Nürnberg, Germany. A supplementary purpose of this mission was to go to Rome to work for the canonization of >Sancta Birgitta’s daughter Katherina and in order to obtain confirmations of all the privileges and indulgences of Vadstena Abbey. At the chapter Clemens spoke solemnly to the congregation about the need for renewal and reformation of the spiritual life in the Order (Oratio in capitulo generali Ordinis S. Salvatoris habita; Uppsala University Library, C 153, fols. 158r–166r, RISBERG 2003, 15 f.). They returned to Vadstena in the autumn of the following year (DV 874, 879). Shortly after his return, on 4 October 1488, Clemens was elected confessor general (DV 881). In this capacity he maintained contact with the regent, Sten Sture the Elder in matters concerning the Order and the canonization of Katherina (cf. letter of 1 February 1492, National Archives, Stockholm; SILFVERSTOLPE 1898, 91 f.). He resigned from his office in August 1499 (DV 947) and died the following year (DV 949). Late in 1499 a certain Clemens is said to have been sent to Vadstena’s daughter house, Munkeliv, near Bergen, Norway, but it has not been ascertained that this was Clemens Petri (DN 2, 1009; cf. SILFVERSTOLPE 1898, 92).

==Works==
In fulfilling his preaching duties (officium predicacionis) Clemens Petri compiled at least two major collections of sermons, one de tempore (Uppsala University Library, C 321, fols. 14r–322v and 367r–413v) and one de sanctis (C 308, fols. 14r–386r). An earlier assumption that Clemens also wrote and composed a series of sermons in C 350 (cf. MHUU 4, 344) has proved to be incorrect. The sermons of Clemens normally contain quotations from the Revelations of St. Birgitta and edifying stories (exempla). He also wrote copies of the correspondence of the Abbey (STÅHL 2003, 53 and 2004, 92). His handwriting is analysed and described in STÅHL 1998, 42 ff.. GEETE (1900, p. XXV) assumes that Clemens was the author or translator of a short treatise on death in Old Swedish.

Clemens reveals an interest in the theory of preaching (shared by his companion Johannes Matthei) and he has copied extracts from two preachers’ manuals or artes predicandi (C 321, fols. 345v–348r). Though his sermons are recorded in Latin (which was the usual practice), some of them are sprinkled with single words or phrases in Old Swedish (QUAK 1976); in quite a few instances (normally at the beginning of the sermons) there are even whole paragraphs in the vernacular (ANDERSSON 2006). One may presume that this procedure is connected with the oral delivery of the sermon (cf. QUAK 1976, TJÄDER 1995). Now and then Clemens makes references to sermons written by other Vadstena priests, such as Ericus Simonis (C 308, fols. 188r, 215r, 229r, 239r and C 321, fol. 253v), which illustrates how he went about composing his own sermons. He also quotes from various religious texts in the library of the Abbey, such as the vernacular version of the Liber specialis gracie of St. Mechtild (C 321, fol. 354v). A sermon in C 321 for the dedication day of a church (Dedicatio ecclesiae) has been studied by HÄRDELIN 1998 (176 ff.) in comparison with sermons by other authors.

===Editions===
One sermon for the feast of St. Henricus (C 308, fols. 279r–284r) has been printed in MALINIEMI (ed.) 1942, 279 ff.. The Gnadenberg sermon is to be published by Maria Berggren.

==Bibliography==
*ANDERSSON, R. 2006: “Översättaren som predikant. Clemens Petri och svenska språket,” in Dicit Scriptura. Studier i C-samlingen tillägnade Monica Hedlund (Runica et Mediævalia), ed. S. Risberg, Stockholm.
*ANDERSSON, R. & BORGEHAMMAR, S. 1997: “The Preaching of the Birgittine Friars at Vadstena Abbey (ca 1380–1515),” Revue Mabillon, n.s. 8 (t. 69), 209–36.
*DV = Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar (Kungl. Samfundet för utgivande av handskrifter rörande Skandinaviens historia. Handlingar del 19), ed. C. Gejrot, Stockholm 1996.
*DN = Diplomatarium Norvegicum I–, Kristiania 1847–.
*FMU = Finlands medeltidsurkunder I–VIII (ed. R. Hausen), Helsingfors 1910–1935.
*GEETE, R. (ed.) 1900: Svenska kyrkobruk under medeltiden (SFSS 33), Stockholm.
*HÄRDELIN, A. 1998: Kult, kultur och kontemplation. Studier i medeltida svenskt kyrkoliv (Opuscula selecta 2), Skellefteå.
*KLOCKARS, B. 1979: I nådens dal. Klosterfolk och andra c. 1440–1590, Stockholm.
*MALINIEMI, A. (ed.) 1942: De S. Henrico, episcopo et martyre. Die mittelalterliche Literatur über den Apostel Finnlands II (Finska kyrkohistoriska samfundets handlingar 45:2), Helsinki.
*MHUU = Mittelalterliche Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Uppsala. Katalog über die C-Sammlung 1–8 (Acta Bibliothecae R. Universitatis Upsaliensis 26:1–8), ed. M. Andersson-Schmitt, H. Hallberg & M. Hedlund, Uppsala 1988–1995.
*ODENIUS, O. 1959: “En notis om björknäver som skrivmaterial i Vadstena kloster under senmedeltiden,” Kyrkohistorisk Årsskrift 59, 163–71.
*QUAK, A. 1976: “Fornsvenska glossor och satser i Uppsala universitetsbiblioteks hs C 321,” Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 10, 149–206.
*RISBERG, S. (ed.) 2003: Liber usuum fratrum monsterii Vadstenensis. The Customary of the Vadstena Brothers. A Critical Edition with an introduction (Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Studia Latina Stockholmiensia 50), Stockholm.
*STÅHL, P. 1998: Johannes Hildebrandi. Liber epistularis (Cod. Upsal. C6). I. Lettre nos 1 à 109 (fol. 1r à 16r). Édition critique avec des analyses et une introduction (Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Studia latina Stockholmiensia 41), Stockholm.
*STÅHL. P. 2003: “Vadstena klosters stora kopiebok. En presentation av handskriften A 20 i Riksarkivet,” Kyrka, helgon och vanliga döda (Årsbok för Riksarkivet och Landsarkiven 2003), Stockholm, 35–64.
*STÅHL. P. 2004: “Medeltida kopieböcker i Riksarkivet,” Arkiv, samhälle och forskning 2004: 1–2, 77–97.
*TJÄDER, B. 1995: “Fornsvenska vokabler i latinska predikningar från Sveriges medeltid,” A Catalogue and its Users. A Symposium on the Uppsala C Collection of Medieval Manuscripts (Acta Bibliothecae R. Universitatis Upsaliensis 34), ed. M. Hedlund, Uppsala, 115–24.

[[Category:Article]]

Ad sacerdotes

2012-12-30T17:46:11Z

Hkllm: /* Bibliography */

by Stephan Borgehammar

''Ad sacerdotes'' (“To Priests”) is a pastoral treatise from the first half of the fifteenth century, certainly written no later than 1446, the year when Johannes Johannis, the scribe of one of the extant manuscripts, died. The text originated in Birgittine circles and was most likely written by one of the friars of Vadstena Abbey. It contains criticism of and pastoral advice to secular priests and reveals interesting facts about church life and spiritual ideals in fifteenth-century Sweden. Four manuscripts are known, all of which once belonged to Vadstena Abbey and are today kept in Uppsala University Library: C 7 (1400-1450), C 449 (fifteenth century), C 574 (probably before 1478) and C 631 (before 1446).

==-==

=====Title=====
The title of the edition is supplied by the editor. C 449 has Nota sermo ad sacerdotes in the margin (fol. 155v); C 631 has the title Sermo ad sacerdotes bona et vtilis doctrina (fol. 331r); the other two manuscripts lack title.
=====Incipit=====
Verbum est michi ad vos, o sacerdotes.
=====Explicit=====
Alioquin non euadetis penas comminatas. Gracia Dei cum spiritu vestro, fratres. Amen.
=====Size=====
15 pages.

====Edition====
• BERGGREN & HÄRDELIN 1997, 374-402 [repr. without Berggren’s philological introduction in HÄRDELIN 1998, 394-416].
====Translations====
*(English) BERGGREN & HÄRDELIN 1997, 375-403 [by Berggren].
*(Swedish) HÄRDELIN 1998, 395-417 [by Härdelin].
====Commentary====
*BERGGREN & HÄRDELIN 1997, 375-403; HÄRDELIN 1997; HÄRDELIN 1998, 418-48 [Swedish translation of HÄRDELIN 1997].

===Bibliography===
*BERGGREN & HÄRDELIN 1997: “Ad sacerdotes. A pastoral letter from Vadstena,” in Master Golyas and Sweden: the transformation of a clerical satire: a collection of essays, ed. O. Ferm & B. Morris (Runica et mediævalia, Scripta minora 2 [i.e. 3]), 365-406, Stockholm.
*HÄRDELIN 1997: “Admonitions and Reprimands to Parochial Clergy. A ‘Pastoral Letter’ from Vadstena,” in Master Golyas and Sweden: the transformation of a clerical satire: a collection of essays, ed. O. Ferm & B. Morris (Runica et mediævalia, Scripta minora 2 [i.e. 3]), 407-51, Stockholm.
*HÄRDELIN, A. 1998: “’Till prästerskapet’. Ett vadstenensiskt pastoralbrev om prästerliga försummelser och plikter,” in HÄRDELIN: Kult, Kultur och Kontemplation: Studier i medeltida svenskt kyrkoliv (Opuscula selecta 2), 392-448, Skellefteå.

[[Category:Article]]

2012-12-30T17:10:03Z

Hkllm:

== A Website of Authors and Anonymous Works c. 1100–1530 ==

===== Edited by =====

====Stephan Borgehammar, Karsten Friis-Jensen, Lars Boje Mortensen & Åslaug Ommundsen====

The purpose of this website is to provide in-depth introductions to all known literary works written in Latin in the Nordic countries before the Reformation (ca 1530). Thus we hope to document the breadth and importance of writings in Latin which have too often been treated as footnotes to the vernacular literatures.

There are four types of entries: (1) named authors, (2) titles of anonymous works (3) saints, including legends, sermons, liturgical texts belonging to each Nordic saint (found under sanctus / sancta), (4) a few collective articles on genres such as Annales and Catalogi.

A few entries of important authors are still missing, most notably Sancta Birgitta, Wilhelm of Æbelholt, Brynolf Algotsson, and Magister Matthias.

Authors of individual articles are credited at the beginning of each entry. The publication date of the website is 2012.

Articles should be referred to as [Author] [Entry] 2012 in Medieval Nordic Literature in Latin (eds Borgehammar, Friis-Jensen, Mortensen, Ommundsen) (Most articles were finished before 2008, but some are updated further).

Medieval Nordic Literature in Latin (MNLL)

2012-12-30T17:09:30Z

Hkllm:

medieval:About

2012-12-30T17:03:06Z

Hkllm: Created page with '== A Website of Authors and Anonymous Works c. 1100–1530 == ===== Edited by ===== ====Stephan Borgehammar, Karsten Friis-Jensen, Lars Boje Mortensen & Åslaug Ommundsen==== …'

== A Website of Authors and Anonymous Works c. 1100–1530 ==

===== Edited by =====

====Stephan Borgehammar, Karsten Friis-Jensen, Lars Boje Mortensen & Åslaug Ommundsen====

The purpose of this website is to provide in-depth introductions to all known literary works written in Latin in the Nordic countries before the Reformation (ca 1530). Thus we hope to document the breadth and importance of writings in Latin which have too often been treated as footnotes to the vernacular literatures.

There are four types of entries: (1) named authors, (2) titles of anonymous works (3) saints, including legends, sermons, liturgical texts belonging to each Nordic saint (found under sanctus / sancta), (4) a few collective articles on genres such as Annales and Catalogi.

A few entries of important authors are still missing, most notably Sancta Birgitta, Wilhelm of Æbelholt, Brynolf Algotsson, and Magister Matthias.

Authors of individual articles are credited at the beginning of each entry. The publication date of the website is 2012.

Articles should be referred to as [Author] [Entry] 2012 in Medieval Nordic Literature in Latin (eds Borgehammar, Friis-Jensen, Mortensen, Ommundsen) (Most articles are updated up to c. 2008, sometimes further updates are made.)

Consuetudines Lundenses

2012-12-22T10:00:46Z

Hkllm: /* Bibliography */

by Anna Minara Ciardi

The anonymous '''Consuetudines Lundenses''' (Customary of Lund) were written before 1123, most probably in Lund. The manuscript is preserved in its entirety in the capitulary, ''liber capitularis'', of Lund, sometimes termed the ''Necrologium Lundense'', one of the oldest codices of medieval Scandinavia (Lund, University Library, MS 6, fols. 92r–123v.). The immediate source of the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'', which were used by the regular canons of Lund as customary or supplementary regulations to the Rule of Aachen, were the ''Consuetudines Marbacenses'' from Marbach, Alsace.
==-==

=====Title=====
In accordance with the rubric, ''Incipiunt consuetudines canonice. In primis qualiter quisque ueniat ad canonicam'' I. capitulum., the text has also been recognized as ''Consuetudines canonic(a)e'', albeit the term “''consuetudines''” is rather a classification of genre, i.e. customary or supplementary regulations (JØRGENSEN 1908, p. 137 & BUUS 1978, pp. 34–36).

=====Incipit=====
''Nouiter quis ueniens ad canonicam professionem, non facile recipiatur a fratribus, nisi persona adeo nota fuerit, ut utilitatem ęcclesię conferre uideatur''

=====Explicit=====
[…] ''ut tuis mandatis obedientes et pro inuicem orantes te gubernante corde saluari mereamur et corpore et ad ęternam beatitudinem peruenire ualeamus. Qui cum patre et spiritu sancto''.

=====Size=====
64 pages.

====Editions====
*HAMMAR, A.N. 1868–1869: “Consuetudines Canonicae, Lunds domkapitels äldsta statuter. Ur Necrologium Lundense utgifvna af Arnold Hammar”, in ''Bidrag till Samlingar till Skånes historia, fornkunskap och beskrifning'' (Tidskrift utgifven af Föreningen för Skånes fornminnen och historia genom Martin Weibull 1, Lund, 1–28 (includes a brief introduction and minor codicological and linguistic remarks on the text).
*• WEIBULL, L. 1923: ''Necrologium Lundense: Lunds domkyrkas nekrologium'' (Monumenta Scaniæ Historica), Lund, 14–45 (contains a comprehensive introduction (V–CII), a thorough palaeographical and codicological analysis, occasional commentaries on the layout of the manuscript, and references to the source).
*• KROMAN, E. 1960: ''Necrologium Lundense: codex mediaevalis VItus Bibliothecae Universitatis Lundensis'', eds. I. Brøndum-Nielsen & E. Kroman (CCD 1), Copenhagen, 185–248 (a facsimile edition, including an introduction (pp. XI–XXVI) with a discussion on the dating of the manuscript and some palaeographical remarks; mainly consistent with WEIBULL 1923).
*• BUUS, E. 1978: ''Consuetudines Lundenses. Statutter for kannikesamfundet i Lund c. 1123'', Copenhagen, 109–178 (a critical edition with a summary in German with a comprehensive introduction (pp. 11–106) to the manuscript and its contents, sources and the transmission of the text; a concordance of chapters is included).

====Electronic resources====
The manuscript has been digitally photographed and is available at the St. Laurentius digital manuscript library Lund University Library, see [http://laurentius.lub.lu.se/]

====Translation====
(Swedish) CIARDI, A.M. 2003: ''Lundakanikernas levnadsregler. Aachenregeln och Consuetudines canonicae. Översättning från latinet med inledning och noter'' (Meddelanden från kyrkohistoriska arkivet i Lund, n.s. 5), Lund, 59–86 (transl. from BUUS 1978; includes an introduction to the text and its use, commentaries on the translation, biblical references, and explanations of the terminology).

==Date and place==
The dating and the provenance of the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' have been the object of a long-lasting scholarly debate (for an overview, see ANDERSEN 2001 & CIARDI 2004b). In accordance with the codicological and palaeographical observations undertaken by Weibull several scholars have argued that the text was in use already in 1123 (WEIBULL 1923, LXXV; cf. KROMAN 1960; BUUS 1978; EKSTRÖM 1985; CIARDI 2003, 2004a–b). However, owing to the dating of the source, ''Consuetudines Marbacenses'', which were thought to have been composed 1121–1123, this earlier dating of the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' was called into question and a later dating, i.e. 1130 at the earliest, considered to be more plausible. (ANDERSEN 2001, 33–36; cf. BUUS 1987). Although in agreement with Weibull on the dating of the preserved text, SIEGWART argued for an even later reception and use of the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' at Lund, ca. 1140–1145. To some extent in accordance with SCHMID, he contested the cathedral chapter of Lund as its original recipient, and suggested that the text had been used first by the Augustinian canons at Dalby, 10 km east of Lund, with whom the canons of Lund were in confraternity (SCHMID 1944, 53–59, 64–65; SIEGWART 1960, 89). However, the evidence for such a scenario is scant; and moreover, a decisive recent re-dating of the ''Consuetudines Marbacenses'' to ca. 1098 removes the only real obstacle to Weibull’s earlier dating (cf. DEUTZ 1993, 11–12; cf. DEUTZ 1990, 32 n. 128, 35 n. 141).

The most plausible view is that the preserved ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' were in use at the cathedral of Lund from 30 June 1123 at the latest, the day of consecration of the crypt church. The contents of the text in addition to its organisation indicate that the manuscript was written in Lund and from the very beginning designed to serve the local community of canons regular (CIARDI 2004b, esp. 16–18; cf. Summary of contents). Until recently is has been assumed that regular life, i.e. the Rule of Aachen and the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'', was abandoned at about 1140, perhaps in connection with the consecration of the high altar in 1145, at which time the capitulary is thought to have been replaced by the so called ''Liber Daticus vetustior'' (Lund, University Library, MS 7) (WEIBULL 1923). A closer look into the origin, character, and content of the ''Liber Daticus'', however along with the fact that entries were added to the obituary of the older capitulary for another three decades, shows that these codices had different purposes and functions (BREENGAARD 1982; EKSTRÖM 1985; GELTING 2004; cf. WEIBULL 1923). Part of the older capitulary, including the rule and the customary, may well have been employed daily by the chapter of Lund until the 1170s.

Although fairly plausible suggestions have been made, there is no evidence of how the source was brought to Lund in the first place (ANDERSEN 2001; SIEGWART 1960).

== Summary of contents ==
The text is divided into 35 chapters of various lengths, and offers a detailed instruction about how the daily life in the cathedral community should be undertaken. The content may be categorised thematically as follows: Ch. 1–2: On the receiving of a new brother: eligibility, fidelity, and obedience is emphasised; ch. 3–14: On the daily life in the community: instructions about the ''capitulum'' (i.e. the daily assembly); on the divine office and the celebrating of mass, on discipline, and liturgical vessels and vestments; ch. 15: On the blessing of a travelling brother; ch. 16–23, 27: On the offices of the community: directions and instructions of the officials; on the elections (bishop, provost, and dean); ch. 24–26: On the ''mandatum'' liturgy (i.e. the washing of feet); ch. 28–35: On the death of a brother and on confraternity (CIARDI 2004a, 114–118; cf. BUUS 1978, 46–48). The ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' differ from the source in various ways: private property is allowed, and consequently, more stress is laid upon the difference between canons and monks; the basic Rule referred to in Lund is the Rule of Aachen, not the Rule of St Augustine as in Marbach; the chapter on the election of a provost at Marbach is used as instructions for episcopal elections in Lund, whereas the origin of the corresponding chapter on the provost in the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' is unidentified to this day and may be a domestic product of the chapter in Lund; furthermore, the admission of new members to the community is characterized in Lund by a more ritual or liturgical procedure; and, finally, the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' are more thematically arranged (BUUS 1978, 36–45).

== Composition and style ==
The ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' were written by one single hand (hand ''f'' in WEIBULL 1923). According to the palaeographical analysis this scribe was active for a very long time, from ca. 1120 to after 1145, and has left his marks in most of the manuscripts of local origin in the capitulary (WEIBULL 1923, XCVII–XCVIII; KROMAN 1960, XIX–XXVI). The scribe/editor of the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' – most likely one of the canons, e.g. the ''cantor'' – has undertaken a most conscious adaptation of the source to the immediate ecclesiastical situation. The most striking examples are the instructions for the election and designation of the provost (106r–110r), for which there is no identified source, and the chapter on the (canonical) episcopal election (fols. 105r–106r).

== Sources ==
The source of ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' was identified in 1908 by JØRGENSEN as the ''Consuetudines Marbacenses'' of the reformed congregation of Augustine canons in Marbach, in Alsace (JØRGENSEN 1908). Recently the oldest and major parts of the source have been dated to ca. 1098. The discovery of the Rule of St Augustine in the mid-eleventh century, and the revival of a more monastic type of clerical communities, had led to the development of customaries for such communities. These customaries usually incorporated a lot of material from the customs of the Benedictine congregation of Cluny, as was the case with the Consuetudines Lundenses (SIEGWART 1960; DEUTZ 1990, 1993; cf. Summary of contents). The relation between the Cluniac regulations and the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' has been thoroughly investigated, and it has been suggested that a Cluniac influence upon the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' in all probability derived from the ''Consuetudines Marbacenses'' only (BUUS 1978), and not from a local Benedictine tradition such as the monastery of All Saints in Lund, as had previously been suggested (SCHMID 1944). The ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' is the oldest identified, and most independently compiled, version of the ''Consuetudines Marbacenses'', which are otherwise known solely from manuscripts later than the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' (BUUS 1978, 24–27; cf. SIEGWART 1960).

== Purpose and audience ==
Although some kind of clerical community may have been affiliated to the oldest episcopal church of Lund, i.e. already from the 1060s and onward, the deed of King St. Canute IV in 1085 is the oldest written evidence of an officially-approved cathedral community. Benefices, or prebends, were soon established, and in the following decades a constant development and extension of the chapter took place as additional benefices were attached to its officials and the regular life was adopted. In accordance with Weibull’s work on the capitulary and its various parts, it has been asserted that the preserved Rule of Aachen was copied c. 1100 whereas the more “up-to-date” customary was added in the 1120s (see further WEIBULL 1923, 1946; CIARDI 2003, 2004b; PILTZ 2003). An analysis most recently undertaken by German scholars, however, calls this dating into question. In their opinion, the end of the first third of the twelfth century is a more probable date of origin of the Rule of Aachen, which indicates that the copies of the Rule and the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' are more or less contemporary. Even if it is plausible that an organised regular life was lived in Lund before the 1120s, the instructions for it have not been preserved.

The instructions given in the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' correspond well to the major duties of a medieval clerical community such as a cathedral chapter, e.g. the liturgy of the cathedral, ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and pastoral care; simultaneously, the text bears witness to the conditions and needs of the local community at Lund. The ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' were used as additional regulations to the popular and much more generally-phrased Rule of Aachen of 816. Accordingly the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' ought to be interpreted in the light of the older Rule, which is referred to already in the second chapter (fols. 92v–93r):

''Quia igitur ad canonicam dignus quisque qualiter ueniat ostendimus, nunc is, qui ad illam digne peruenerit, in ea qualiter uiuere deberet demonstrandum esset, sed quia satis inde dictum est, sicut in superioribus huius libelli capitulis continetur, nunc aliquid dicere supersedi''.

In addition to the liturgical services in the cathedral, the core of the life of the community was the daily assembly, or chapter, which all the members were obliged to attend. Reading aloud from the Rule and the ''Consuetudines Lundenses'' was one of functions performed in the chapter, and, in addition, the allocation of the duties of the day and matters of discipline were discussed, and the commemoration of the dead was proclaimed (fols. 96r–96v):

''Fratribus in capitolio conuenientibus lector aliquid de regula uel sermonibus de communi uita scriptis incepturus ‘Iube domine’ dicat et hanc benedictionem accipiat ‘Regularibus disciplini instruat nos omnipotens et misericors dominus. Amen.’ Finita uero lectione de regula statim sub una continuatione uocis kalendarium cum luna et natalitiis sanctorum pronuntiet. Tunc hęc oratio a sacerdote [h]ebdomadario subinferatur ‘Preciosa est.’'' […] ''Mox breuiarius uel idem lector indicet in tabula, qui fraters in sequenti matutina uel legere uel cantare debeant. Postea anniuersarios mortuorum recitet, si qui die illa fuerint. Pro quibus totus conuentus studiose decantet hunc psalmum ‘De profundis.''’ […] ''His finitis de diuinis officiis si opus est tractent. Deinde qui aliquid dicere habuerint, aut de se aut de aliis, loquentur''.

== Medieval reception, textual transmission ==
There is no evidence of a later transmission of the ''Consuetudines Lundenses''.

== Bibliography ==
*ANDERSEN, M. G. 2001: “The Consuetudines canonicae of Lund”, Scandia 67, 31–39.
*• BUUS, E. (ed.) 1978: ''Consuetudines Lundenses. Statutter for kannikesamfundet i Lund c. 1123'', Copenhagen.
*BREENGAARD, C. 1982: ''Muren om Israels hus: regnum og sacerdotium i Danmark 1050–1170'', Copenhagen.
*BUUS, E. & B. A. MØLLER 1987: ''Herre – vasker du mine fødder?: Mandatumliturgien i Marbach og Lund: studier i håndskriftet Necrologium Lundense (o.1130); with a summary in English'', Copenhagen.
*• CIARDI, A. M. 2003: ''Lundakanikernas levnadsregler. Aachenregeln och Consuetudines canonicae. Översättning från latinet med inledning och noter'' (Meddelanden från kyrkohistoriska arkivet i Lund, n.s. 5), Lund.
*CIARDI, A. M. 2004a: “''Consuetudines Lundenses'' – lundakanikernas levnadsregel vid 1100-talets början”, in ''Lund – medeltida kyrkometropol'', eds. P.- O. Ahrén & A. Jarlert (Bibliotheca Historico-Ecclesiastica Lundensis 47), Lund, 105–22.
*• CIARDI, A. M. 2004b: “När togs lundakanikernas Consuetudines egentligen i bruk?: Reflektioner kring texttradering och traditionsförmedling i 1120-talets Lund”, ''Kyrkohistorisk årsskrift'' 104, Uppsala, 11–21.
*DEUTZ, H. 1993: “Einleitung”, in ''Consuetudines canonicorum regularium Rodenses. Die Lebensordnung des Regularkanonikerstiftes Klosterrath'', eds. N. Brox et al. (Fontes Christiani 11, 1), Freiburg, 7–109.
*DEUTZ, H. 1990: ''Geistliches und geistiges Leben im Regularkanonikerstift Klosterrath im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert'' (Bonner historische Forschungen 54), Siegburg.
*EKSTRÖM, P. 1985: ''Libri antiquiores Ecclesiæ et Capituli Lundensis. Lunds domkyrkas äldsta liturgiska böcker. Katalog utarbetad vid Lunds universitetsbiblioteks handskriftsavdelning'' (English translation by M. Larsson), Lund.
*EKSTRÖM, P. 1995: “Skriptoriet i Laurentiusklostret”, in ''Bokkulturen i Lund'' (Kulturens Årsbok 1995), Lund, 45–58.
*GELTING, M. H. 2004, “Da Eskil ville være ærkebiskop af Roskilde: Roskildekrøniken, ''Liber daticus Lundensis'' og det danske ærkesædes ophævelse 1133–1138”, in ''Ett annat 1100-tal: Individ, kollektiv och kulturella mönster i medeltidens Danmark'', eds. P. Carelli, L. Hermanson & H. Sanders, Gothenburg & Stockholm, 181–229.
*JØRGENSEN, E. 1908: ''Fremmed Indflydelse under den Danske Kirkes tidligeste Udvikling'' (Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Selskabs Skrifter. Historisk of Filosofisk afdelning, ser. 7, I, 2), Copenhagen.
*• KROMAN, E. (ed.) 1960: ''Necrologium Lundense: codex mediaevalis VItus Bibliothecae Universitatis Lundensis'', eds. I. Brøndum-Nielsen & E. Kroman (CCD 1), Copenhagen.
*PILTZ, A. 2003: “En dag i katedralen”, in Lund – ''medeltida kyrkometropol'', eds. P.-O. Ahrén & A. Jarlert (Bibliotheca Historico-Ecclesiastica Lundensis 47), Lund, 123–44.
*SCHMID, T. 1944: “Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen Kultleben”, ''Ephemerides Liturgicæ'' 58, 50–87.
*SIEGWART, J. 1960: “Einleitung”, in ''Die Consuetudines des Augustiner-Chorherrenstiftes Marbach im Elsass (12. Jahrhundert)'' (Spicilegium Friburgense, 10), Freiburg, 3–98.
*• WEIBULL, L. (ed.) 1923: ''Necrologium Lundense: Lunds domkyrkas nekrologium'' (Monumenta Scaniæ Historica), Lund.
*WEIBULL, L. 1946: ''Skånes kyrka: från älsta tid till Jakob Erlandsens död 1274'', Copenhagen.

[[Category:Article]]

2012-09-11T08:20:02Z

Hkllm: /* Works */

by Roger Andersson

'''Johannes Borquardi''' (d. 1447), priest brother at the Birgittine abbey of Vadstena, Sweden, 1428–1447, confessor general 1443–1444, a preacher and composer of sermons. The best modern study of the life of Johannes Borquardi is KLOCKARS 1979 (36 ff.); see also ANDERSSON 2001, 207–10.

== Biography ==
On 18 April 1428 Johannes entered Vadstena Abbey as one of the ''fratres sacerdoti''. Nothing is known about his previous life, except that the [[''Diarium Vadstenense'']] claims that he originated from Stockholm (DV 384). Towards the end of the 1430s he became involved with the internal affairs of the Abbey and its material possessions. In 1439 he appeared as one of two procurators (''procuratores'') in a legal matter concerning some land (SMR 1009). On the occasion of the coronation of Christopher as king of Norway in Lödöse in 1442, he claimed that the Abbey was entitled to some property and fishing rights (DV 525; cf. a document issued on 9 June 1442, Stockholm, National Archives). In the same year (1442) he obtained confirmation of some privileges (DV 518) directly from the king, who was then visiting Vadstena (cf. HÖJER 1905, 315–16). In October 1443 he was elected confessor general (DV 541; cf. National Archives, A 20, fol. 196r), but the confirmation was postponed until 22 December. On 23 January 1444 he spoke in front of the abbess and all the sisters and exhorted them to observe the Rule zealously and live in accordance with their monastic vows (cf. Uppsala, University Library, C 50, fols. 97r–99r and below under editions). Similar exhortations were also directed to the daughter house in Nådendal, Finland (FMU 6648; cf. KLOCKARS 1979, 36 and HÖJER 1905, 282, n. 1).

Already after about six months as confessor general, on 19 May 1444, he resigned from office. As a result of a formal request from the convent he was permitted to maintain the higher position in the choir (''sedes prelati''), but when this arrangement displeased another friar he returned to his normal position (''locus sui senii''; DV 545). The bishop of Linköping expressed his displeasure with the fact that the convent had approved of Johannes’s resignation without consulting him, and urged him to remain in office until he had made a formal investigation (Stockholm, National Archives, A 21, fol. 82v; cf. HÖJER 1905, 313).

Whatever the outcome of the investigation, Johannes was not reinstated. Instead he was sent to Rome in September 1444 in order to obtain confirmation of the orthodoxy of the ''Revelations'' of St. Birgitta from the papal Curia, as well as certificates concerning particular articles in them (DV 547). However, Johannes never reached Rome but was attacked and plundered in Poland and then had to return home (Stockholm, National Archives, A 21, fol. 88r; cf. HÖJER 1905, 218).

In the year 1446 he travelled twice to Stockholm at the request of King Christopher in order to settle (1) the rights of the Abbey to some property and (2) Nådendal’s fishing rights in Kymmene river in Finland (DV 560, 563). After his last visit to Stockholm he went to Finland in order to confirm the fishing rights of the Finnish house. Johannes stayed in Finland during the winter of 1446–1447 (DV 563). In March 1447 he died from fever on his way from Nådendal to Kymmene (DV 563, 569).

== Works ==
Right from the beginning Johannes Borquardi demonstrates great dedication to his mission as a preacher. In 1428–1431 he appears to have taken down about a hundred sermons as they were delivered by his colleagues (preserved in Uppsala, University Library, C 392, fols. 180r–279v; cf. HALLBERG 1995, 1997). These ''reportationes'' constitute a simultaneous translation from the preacher’s spoken Swedish into written Latin (see further [[Sermones Birgittini]]). Johannes has also compiled and written out two major collections of ''sermones de tempore et de sanctis'' (C 330, C 331), one collection ''de tempore'' (C 392, fols. 3r–150r) and, probably, a smaller set of sermons (C 392, fols. 151r–179v; cf. MHUU 4, 606). His hand-writing which frequently occurs in the copy-books of the Abbey is described in STÅHL 2003 (51 f.).

A sermon by Johannes for the feast of [[Sanctus Olavus]] is treated briefly in LIDÉN 1999, 402. His formulaic perorationes are studied in HEDLUND 2000b. His importance is evident from the fact that his sermons are often referred to and utilized by later Vadstena preachers, not least [[Clemens Petri]] and the anonymous compiler of C 312 (ANDERSSON 2001, 209). The way he uses sermon manuscripts from Prague when composing his own sermons is studied in HEDLUND 2000a; cf. also ANDERSSON 2001 (102–8, 112 f., 133 ff.). His many manuscript references to his sources provide a good illustration of the compilatory technique Johannes used; see HEDLUND 2011. Johannes normally uses the thematic sermon type, often with long ''prothemata''. He quotes the ''Revelations'' of St. Birgitta and expands his expositions by means of exempla. His style is personal and well-phrased, as may be seen in the following extract from the beginning of a sermon for the 21st Sunday after Trinity:

“''Heri hora septima reliquit eum febris.” Iohannis 4o'' (John 4,52). ''Karissimi, sepe contingit, quod medicus, qui sanitatis tempore modicum curatur et despicitur, tempore infirmitatis alicuius diligenter requiritur et libenter suscipitur, quod lucide probatur in presenti ewangelio. Quia saluator noster, qui medicus est animarum et corporum, a regibus et regulis ac aliis mundi potestatibus despectum habebatur et ab eis omnino nichil curabatur salutis tempore consistente. Sed tempore necessitatis infirmorum plerumque cum instancia requirebatur et cum magna reuerencia inuitabatur, sicut scriptum est in proposito presentis ewangelii. Quia regulus, qui prius de Domino modicum curauerat, infirmante filio suo personaliter eum adiuit et ad sanandum filium suum affectuose inuitauit. Inuitauit namque eum sicut medicum, qui filium suum sanare posset. Vere, karissimi, Dominus noster medicus est sapientissimus, quia de studio paradysi, vbi vera est sapiencia, in hunc mundum venit et genus humanum languidum medicauit et medicina proprii sanguinis reparauit et a mortis eterne periculo liberauit. Legitur enim de quodam medico, qui primus inuentor medicine artis fuit, nomine Esculapius, quod medicina et arte sua mortuos videbatur reuocare ad vitam, et ideo homines eum deum esse credebant. Sed dii inuidentes eum ei fulminauerunt et occiderunt eum. Per Esculapium istum medicum medicus noster Iesus Christus intelligi potest, quia a morte culpe et pene eripuit et eripit peccatores. Sed dii, id est demones, de quibus propheta loquitur dicens: “Omnes dii gencium demonia''” (Ps. 95,5), ''videntes, quod Lazarum suscitauerat et iam a quibusdam vt deus honorabatur, iudeorum inuidiam contra eum excitabant et sic fulmine passionis et crucis ipsum occiderant. Et sic eius mors nostra facta est medicina, quia sanguis medici, scilicet Christi, nobis fuit magna medicina''. (C 330, fols. 133r–v).

(“Yesterday, at the seventh hour, the fever left him.” (John 4,52) Beloved, it often happens that a doctor is despised and hardly cared for in the time of health. When someone is sick, however, he is diligently asked for and gladly received, which clearly appears in the present Gospel. Wherefore our Saviour, who is the doctor of both body and soul, is despised by kings, princes and other worldly potentates and is not at all cared for in the time of soundness. But in the time of distress of many sick people, he is asked for with constancy and is invited with great veneration, as is written in the theme of this Gospel. Since the ruler, who previously cared only a little for the Lord, personally approached him when his son became ill and invited him affectuously to heal his son. He invited him as a doctor, who could cure his son. Beloved, our Lord is the most wise doctor, since from the spirit of paradise, where there is true wisdom, he came into the world to cure and with the medicine of his own blood restore the languid and spiritless mankind, and to liberate man from the perils of eternal death. We read about a certain physician by the name of Esculapius (Asclepius), who first invented the art of medicine, that he was seen to call dead back to life through his medicine and art, and therefore people believed him to be a god. But envious gods stroke him with lightning and killed him. To this physician Esculapius our healer Jesus Christ can be likened, since he rescued the sinners from the guilt and pain of death. But the gods, that is the demons, of which the prophet speaks: “All the gods of the Gentiles are devils” (Ps. 95,5), seeing that he raised Lazarus and that he now was honoured as a king by some people, aroused the envy of the Jews towards him. And so the Jews killed him by the stroke of the lightning of his passion and cross. And so his death became our medicine, since the blood of the doctor, that is Christ, served us as a strong remedy.)

== Editions ==
A sermon (C 331, fols. 273v–277r) for the feast of St. Henricus is edited in MALINIEMI 1942, 152–67. The Old Swedish text of his exhortation to the sisters (see above) is printed in GEETE 1910–1916, 209–12.

== Bibliography ==
*ANDERSSON, R. 2001: ''De birgittinska ordensprästerna som traditionsförmedlare och folkfostrare. En studie i svensk medeltidspredikan på den 8:e söndagen efter Trefaldighet'' (Runica et Mediævalia), Stockholm.
*DV = ''Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar'' (Kungl. Samfundet för utgivande av handskrifter rörande Skandinaviens historia. Handlingar del 19), ed. C. Gejrot, Stockholm 1996.
*GEETE, R. (ed.) 1910–1916: ''Småstycken på fornsvenska'' 2 (SFSS), Stockholm.
*FMU = ''Finlands medeltidsurkunder'' 1–8 (ed. R. Hausen), Helsingfors 1910–1935.
*HALLBERG, H. 1995: ”Reportaciones Vadstenenses – über das Predigen im Kloster Vadstena um 1430”, ''A Catalogue and its Users. A Symposium on the Uppsala C Collection of Medieval Manuscripts'' (Acta Bibliothecae R. Universitatis Upsaliensis 34), ed. M. Hedlund, Uppsala, 101–14.
*HALLBERG, H. 1997: ''Acho Iohannis scribens, praedicans, auditus'' (Vadstenabrödernas predikan. Meddelanden 4), Uppsala.
*HEDLUND, M. 2000a: “Prager Handschriften in Vadstena – wurden sie gelesen?” ''Septuaginta Paulo spunar oblata'' (70 + 2), Praha, 258–70.
*HEDLUND, M. 2000b: “''Quod nobis concedat'' eller: Hur man slutar en predikan,” in Språkets speglingar. Festskrift till Birger Bergh, ed. A. Jönsson & A. Piltz, Lund, 137–45.
*HÖJER, T. 1905: ''Studier i Vadstena klosters och birgittinordens historia intill midten af 1400-talet'', Uppsala.
*KLOCKARS, B. 1979: ''I nådens dal. Klosterfolk och andra'' c. 1440–1590, Stockholm.
*LIDÉN, A. 1999: ''Olav den helige i medeltida bildkonst. Legendmotiv och attribut'' (Kungliga Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien), Stockholm.
*MALINIEMI, A. 1942: ''De S. Henrico, episcopo et martyre. Die mittelalterliche Literatur über den Apostel Finnlands'' II (Finska kyrkohistoriska samfundets handlingar 45:2), Helsinki.
*MHUU = ''Mittelalterliche Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Uppsala. Katalog über die C-Sammlung'' 1–8 (Acta Bibliothecae R. Universitatis Upsaliensis XXVI:1–8), ed. M. Andersson-Schmitt, H. Hallberg & M. Hedlund, Uppsala 1988–95.
*SMR = ''Svenska medeltidsregester'' 1434–1441 (ed. S. Tunberg), Stockholm 1937.
*STÅHL. P. 2003: “Vadstena klosters stora kopiebok. En presentation av handskriften A 20 i Riksarkivet,” ''Kyrka, helgon och vanliga döda'' (Årsbok för Riksarkivet och Landsarkiven 2003), Stockholm, 35–64.

[[Category:Article]]

Sancta Ragnildis

2012-08-06T13:10:11Z

Hkllm:

by Anders Fröjmark

'''Sancta Ragnilde.''' Lay martyr, queen (11th-12th cent.), buried in Södertälje. Cult known from the 15th century. De sancta Ragnilde in Thelgis epitaphium; Epitaph of St. Ragnhild of Tälje. An epitaph of hagiographic character, celebrating the memory of an otherwise little known Swedish queen from ca 1100.

== - ==
=====Title=====
The work is headed by the title ''De sancta Ragnilde in Thelgis epithaphium''. In a strict sense, this title applies only to the two versified parts of the work (24 lines), and not to the five lines in prose.

=====Incipit=====
''Sweuorum domina Ragnildis flos sine spina''.

=====Explicit=====
''Nobis summa bona procures alma patrona''.

=====Metre=====
Quantitative leonine hexameter with lines of thirteen to fifteen syllables and with a marked caesura in the penthemimer. Deviations from classical quantitative rules are few.

=====Size=====
The text consists of two versified parts with a short commentary (five lines) in between. The first versified part consists of seven lines. After line 5 at least one line is missing. The second versified part is formed of three groups of six lines each. The final line of the second group is missing, so that only seventeen lines remain.

=====Editions=====
*BENZELIUS, J. 1703: ''Palæstina. Sive de Terra Promissionis, & Singulis in ea Tribubus; item Fatis Variorum Incolarum; & Sveonum Gothorumque Expeditionibus Sacris dissertationes duæ, geographico-historicæ'', pp. 150--52, Upsaliæ.
*BENZELIUS, E. in VASTOVIUS, J. 1708: ''Vitis aquilonia. Sive Vitae sanctorum regni Sveo-Gothici''. Emendavit et notis illustravit Ericus Benzelius filius, Annotationes p. 80. Upsaliae.
*ALM, H. 1931: ‘Drottning Ragnhild och hennes gravskrift i Tälje’, ''Sörmlandsbygden'' 2, pp. 70--71.
*ODENIUS, O. 1973: [Review of] T. Lundén, ''Svenska helgon, Fornvännen'' 68, p. 61.
*LUNDÉN, T. 1983: ''Sveriges missionärer, helgon och kyrkogrundare. En bok om Sveriges kristnande'', pp. 283--84. Storuman.
All editions except Odenius' photographic copy are impaired with errors.

=====Translations=====
Swedish translations have been published by:
*ALM, H. 1931: ‘Drottning Ragnhild och hennes gravskrift i Tälje’, ''Sörmlandsbygden'' 2, pp. 71--72.
*WEHNER, R. 1959: ‘S:ta Ragnhild i sitt tidevarv’, ''Credo. Katolsk tidskrift'' 40, pp. 25--26.
*LUNDÉN, T. 1983: ''Sveriges missionärer, helgon och kyrkogrundare. En bok om Sveriges kristnande'', p. 284. Storuman.

== Date and place ==
The text is known from one manuscript copy originally written down on the inside of the back cover of a book in the Strängnäs Cathedral Library. The book in question was printed in Cologne in 1474, and the copy of the epitaph is made in a late 15:th century hand. The sheet containing the epitaph has been removed from the book in recent times and was acquired by the University Library of Uppsala in 1932 (''Fragm ms lat 326'').

The versified parts are two versions of the epitaph of Ragnhild, a Swedish (according to one source Swedish and Norwegian) queen who shall have lived ca 1100. The fact that Ragnhild is hallowed as a saint in the epitaph leads us to the conclusion that it was made at some distance in time from her death. The epitaph does not mention at which day or year St. Ragnhild died. This is to be sure a common characteristic of the early christian grave monuments or epitaphs in Sweden, but it might just as well be seen as an indication that the epitaph was composed in a time when these dates were no longer known. It ressembles in this respect some late medieval epitaphs in the abbey church of Varnhem commemorating ancient Swedish kings.

According to Bernhard BISCHOFF (quoted by WEHNER 1959, 72), the epitaph may not be dated earlier than the middle of the 13:th century.

The commentary between the two versified parts seems to be the copier's remarks. They are clearly secondary to the versified parts.

== Summary of contents ==
In the first versified part, Ragnhild is referred to as queen of the Swedes (''Sweuorum domina /.../ Regni regina''). She is said to have made a pilgrimage to Rome and Jerusalem. Thereby she has become the like of St. Helen. Finally, the author adresses Ragnhild as the ''alma patrona'' of the citizens of Tälje (present day Södertälje south of Stockholm).

The second, longer versified part, equally celebrates Ragnhild as the queen of Sweden, having made a pilgrimage to Rome and Jerusalem. In addition, she is said to have founded the church of Tälje and to have enriched it with land and other gifts. As for her descent, she is called ''Halsteni filia'', the daughter of Halsten. In the final lines she is talked of as the ''alma patrona'' who is impelled by the fidels to come to the assistance of those who are ill.

Of special interest is the comparison that is made between Ragnhild and three other women. As a pilgrim, Ragnhild is first contrasted to the wandering Dinah (Gn. 34), and then compared to St. Helen. When St. Helen was mentioned in the first part of the epitaph, this clearly referred to the finder of the True Cross. Here, we might also think of another pilgrim in Swedish hagiography, St. Helen of Skövde. This association is strengthened by the fact that the third woman referred to is the prophetess Huldah (Oldan; 4 Rg 22,14; 2 Par 34, 22), who figures also in the late 13:th century office of St. Helen of Skövde.

The copier's commentary mentions that St. Ragnhild rests in Tälje. She coruscates with many miracles, he says. At her pilgrimage she was plundered by robbers, but she was than clad by angels. He then comments upon the descent of St. Ragnhild. It is written, he says, that she was the wife of king Inge. She was also the daughter of king Halsten, he further states, basing himself on the second versified part of the epitaph.

The copier thus adds information that he has gathered from other sources. St. Ragnhild's marriage to a king named Inge, her burial in Tälje and her reputation for holiness are pieces of information that can be gathered from two chronicles of Swedish kings from the 1450's. These are in fact the first datable mentions of St. Ragnhild.

Nevertheless, the copier's commentary adds confusion to the tradition of St. Ragnhild. While the chronicles make her the wife of king Inge Halstensson (ca 1110--1120/25), the copier seems to have had king Inge Stenkilsson (ca 1079--1110) in mind. Worse, none of these might have been married to Ragnhild if she was the daughter of king Halsten. In that case, Inge Stenkilsson would have been her uncle and Inge Halstensson her brother. The epitaph and the chronicles obviously reflect different and incompatible traditions concerning the descent and marriage of St. Ragnhild, which the copier tries in vain to unite.

== Sources ==
The original epitaph in the church of Tälje is, just like the tomb of St. Ragnhild, gone without a trace. They may have been victims of cultic purge in the late 16:th century.
The sources for the copier's commentary have been discussed above.

A tradition of St. Ragnhilds holiness exists both in the epitaph and in the chronicles from the 1450's, but the possible dependance between them can not be asserted.

No liturgical celebration of the memory of St. Ragnhild is known. The 17:th century Church historian Johannes Baazius sets forth that St. Ragnhild's name was inscribed in the calendar as a saint, but the base for his assertion is unknown and probably inexistant.

The source for the statement in the second versified part of the epitaph that makes Ragnhild the daughter of Halsten--probably king Halsten--is unknown.

== Purpose and audience ==
The author or authors of the two versified parts of our text are celebrating the local saintly patron of the church of Tälje, in which her grave was also found. She is portrayed as a worthy saint to whom the fidels may justly adress their prayers. She is also a former Swedish queen and--at least to the author of the second part--the founder and original benefactor of the church.
The copier may have been a cleric from the bishop's see at Strängnäs who had the task of gathering information concerning the local tradition about St. Ragnhild in Tälje. In his commentary he has added some statements about the saint, while trying to reconciliate different traditions concerning her background and marriage.

== Medieval reception and transmission ==
In the late 15:th century, St. Ragnhild of Tälje found her way into the Swedish historical litterature. Ericus Olai mentions her in his ''Chronica regni Gothorum'' (ca 1470; ed E. Heuman & J. Öberg 1993, 63, 69). The early 16:th century prologue to the Erik's Chronicle (ed. G. E. Klemming 1865, ''Svenska medeltidens rim-krönikor'' 1, 195), includes her in its enumeration of Swedish saints. Johannes Magnus, Olaus Petri and other 16:th century historiographers followed.

Yet, it is not the epitaph's tradition that was transmitted to new generations. For all that we know, it may well have stayed inside the walls of the Strängnäs Cathedral Library until it was rediscovered by Eric Benzelius and Johan Peringskiöld in the late 17:th century. Instead, it is the chronicles' version that forms the base for the literary tradition of St. Ragnhild.

== Bibliography ==
*ALM, H. 1931: ‘Drottning Ragnhild och hennes gravskrift i Tälje’, ''Sörmlandsbygden'' 2, 70--78.
*BAAZIUS, J. 1642: ''Inventarium ecclesiæ sveo-gothorum'', 113, Lincopiæ. [Improbable statement of a liturgical celebration of St. Ragnhild.]
*COLLMAR, M. 1977: ''Strängnäs stifts herdaminne'' 1: ''Medeltiden'', 488--89, Nyköping.
*FRÖJMARK, A. 1996: ‘Ragnhild’, ''Svenskt biografiskt lexikon'' 29, 613--15. [Includes select bibliography.]
*JOHANNES MAGNUS, 1554: ''De omnibvs Gothorvm Sveonvmqve regibvs'', 587--88, Romæ.
*OLAUS PETRI, 1917: ''En swensk cröneka'', ed J. Sahlgren, 51, Uppsala.
*VASTOVIUS, J. 1708 (1623):''Vitis aquilonia'', ed E. Benzelius, 60--61, annotationes cc. 47--48, 80, Upsaliae.
*WEHNER, R. 1959: ‘S:ta Ragnhild i sitt tidevarv’, ''Credo. Katolsk tidskrift'' 40, 15--35, 55--72.
*ZIEGLER, J. 1536 (1532): ''Terrae sanctae ... Syriae, Arabiae, Aegypti et Schondiae ... descriptio'', 103v, xxxxxx. [First mention in printed form of the tradition of St. Ragnhild.]

[[Category:Article]]

Sanctus Theodgarus

2012-08-06T13:02:07Z

Hkllm:

by Brian Møller Jensen

'''Sanctus Theodgarus''' (also known and referred to as Theotgarus, Theodogarus, Theodogarius, Theogarus, Theogarius, Thugarus, Thyudgarus and as Thøger and Thyge in the vernacular) was a confessor saint living in the XI cent., at first venerated only locally in Vesterwig in North-western Jutland but at the end of the Middle Ages also in major parts of Denmark.

In his office the legend provides the etymology of his name in the hagiographical style used by e.g. Jacob de Voragine in ''Legenda Aurea'': ''Theodgarus namque quasi ’deo carus’ dicitur'', i.e. ”Theodgar means so to speak ’dear to God’”. This meaning of the name is confirmed in the first antiphon of the first nocturn: ''Servus dei Theodgarus semper manens deo carus''.

== Sources ==
All the transmitted Latin texts regarding Theodgar are in some way liturgical texts, published by M. CL. GERTZ in his critical edition ''Vitae Sanctorum Danorum'' (1908-12). But as his comments on and division of the various texts into five separate parts somehow disregarded their original liturgical settings, the following description is based on and refer to GERTZ’ edition but will also consider the basic structure of the office as the liturgical setting of the single texts.

== Biography ==
According to his medieval legends and office Theodgar was born, raised and educated as a Christian in Thüringen in Germany, probably around 1000. As a young man he travelled to England on God’s order and shortly after continued to Norway, where he was ordained a priest and then because of his fame was called by King Olav to become his chaplain (''capellanus''). When King Olav had died, the mourning Theodgar left the royal Norwegian court for Denmark and converted many pagan Danes, before he finally settled in Vesterwig in Jutland and built the town’s first church out of twigs and bushes, in which he celebrated mass. Having served as a humble priest and manifested the divine mercy in Vesterwig, Theodgar died peacefully on June 24, probably 1067, during the reign of King Sven Estridssøn (1047-1074) and was buried in his church.

One night shortly after his successor Ulfricus, while celebrating vigils, saw a divine light over the tomb of Theodgar. Having obtained the pope’s permission he transferred the saint’s bones to the altar on October 30. The next night Ulfricus had another vision when he was about to go to sleep: the saint showed himself to him limping and told him that a big bone of the limping leg still was lying in the old grave. Ulfricus obeyed the saint by moving the last bone to the altar the next morning. (According to ''Annales Bartholiniani'' the elevation of the relics took place in 1067, ”1067 S. Theotgari reliquiae elevantur”, and the translation in 1117, ”MCXVII translatus est sanctus Thugarus Westervick Iutie” (both quoted by GERTZ 1908-12, 4).

The translation was opposed by King Sven and Bishop Alberic of Børglum (installed ca 1065) who considered it to be a fraud. Sven ordered Alberic to go to Vesterwig to suspend the priest and burn the translated bones in the middle of the church, ”nisi deus pro eis aliquod evidens miraculum ostendere dignaretur”. God did show them a miracle, as both the first and the second bone, which Alberic took from the altar to put on the fire, jumped back to its place on the altar. Refraining from further actions, Alberic instead honoured Ulfricus and instigated the reverence for St Theodgar.

Due to this miracle October 30 was officially recognized as the day of Theodgar’s Translatio, on which day he was venerated, at first only in the diocese of Vesterwig, but later in other Danish dioceses as well, according to five breviaries from the late XV and early XVI cent. There seems to be no signs of any celebration of his ''Natale'' on June 24, probably because it coincided with the Natale of John the Baptist.

== Works ==

===The legend of Theodgar’s vita & translatio===
GERTZ’ first text ”I. De sancto Theodgaro” constitutes the most complete legend of the confessor saint, containing his vita in the first part and the above miracle story of his translation in the last. The division in six readings indicates that the text originally formed part of an office to celebrate the translation of Theodgar, but the other parts of this office seemed to have been of no interest to the copyist. According to GERTZ, the elaborated form and the contents of the legend appears to originate from a breviary belonging to a church in which the celebration of the saint demanded a more solemn ritual than in other Danish dioceses, i.e. a breviary belonging to the Abbey Church of Vesterwig.

The legend is transmitted in two versions included in codex Arnamagnaeanus 149 of the Royal Library in Copenhagen, one entered in quaternion F by Arne Magnussen himself and the other in quaternion D by one of his copyists. Dated to the beginning of the XVII century, codex 149 consists of eight quaternions containing a number of medieval Danish saints-legends, that Arne Magnussen or his collaborators have copied from medieval sources, as GERTZ describes it in his introduction (GERTZ 1908-12, 5-8).

This legend is listed in BHL as no. 8068:
=====Incipit=====
''Cum in diversis locis sanctorum patrum religione polleret ecclesia beatus Theodgarus ex honestiis parentibus trahens originem in Thyringia natus est'' ...

=====Explicit=====
...''rex audiens semper sanctum honoravit et ab aliis monuit honorandum''.

=====Editions=====
GERTZ, M. CL. 1908-12: ''Vitae Sanctorum Danorum'', Copenhagen, 14-16.

=====Translation=====
OLRIK, H. 1893-94: Danske Helgeners Levned, Copenhagen, 334-338.

=====Source=====
Copenhagen, Royal Library, codex Arnaemagneanus 1049

===Officium sancti Theodgari===
GERTZ’ next three texts, no.II: ''De sancto Theodgaro confessore'', no.III: ''Carmina ecclesiastica de sancto Theodgaro confessore'' and no.IV: ''Hymnus de sancto Theodgaro'', form the various elements of the unnotated rhymed office ''Iocundare plebs Danorum'' for Theodgar included in late medieval breviaries from five Danish dioceses: Odense, Sleswig, Århus, Roskilde and Lund. A Diurnale from Roskilde includes the antiphons, responsories and prayers.
While GERTZ divides the office in three separate texts, R. DE BUCK maintains the correct order of the liturgical elements of the second version of Theodgar’s office in Brev. Othiniense in his edition in ''Acta Sanctorum'' (DE BUCK 1883, 457-463).

Although the Danes as nation are invoked in the very beginning of ''Iocundare plebs Danorum'', it seems evident that the provenance of the original office was the church of Vesterwig, dedicated to St Theodgar who was given by God as its patron. This fact indicates that we might read the geographical expressions, ”in hac terra nostra” (Vespers 1), ”ad has partes”, ”in isto castro” and ”hic” (Mattins), to signify Vesterwig.

The antiphons of Vespers 1 admonish the Danes to jubilate in honour of Theodgar, praised as ”Dei confessor and almus patronus”. Miracles are mentioned, e.g. having cured the sick and the blind, putting demons to flight, which indicate aspects of his life and mission not described in the legends. The hymn is the traditional confessor hymn ''Iste confessor domini colentes'' (cf. AH 51.135), indicated by incipit only, in all breviaries except Brev. Othiniense II, which presents a unique hymn ''Stella recurrens circuli solaris'' (AH 11.245). Including the term ”confessor” but not his name this hymn repeats some of the miracles and asks the saint to listen to the hymn that he ”nobis tergat Eve planctum”. The antiphon to the Magnificat presents a bold comparison of Abraham and Theodgar, since God ”eduxit Abraham de Ur Chaldeorum et ... vocavit sanctum Theodgarum, ut in hac terra nostra peregrinus esset”. Like Abraham became the father of a great nation, Theodgar was given as God’s patron saint to the Danes. The significance of this biblical father-function is further underlined in the collect prayer which completes Vespers 1.
Mattins open with the invitatory psalm and antiphon followed by the traditional confessor hymn (in Brev. Othiniense II the unique proper hymn is indicated as alternative). The three nocturns each include three antiphons followed by three readings, each with responsory and verse. In the first nocturn the antiphons praise Theodgar as a faithful servant of God raised by honest parents and as a missionary in the wild West-Jutland (”rudes turbas hominum/ verbum vite predicando convertit ad dominum”). The readings tell the story of his birth, his upbringing, his vocation to leave his fatherland as another Abraham and his stay in Norway at the court of King Olav. The three responsories focus only on his birth and his mission in Denmark. In the second nocturn the antiphons mentions Theodgar’s true wisdom and faith as basis for the establisment of the church and his bringing hope to all the faithful around the world. The readings continues the story by describing the last part of his life in Denmark, especielly his building of the church in Vesterwig. In addition to his vita the responsories and verses tell the story of his translation and Alberic’s vain attempt to burn his bones (”plebs super altare/ stupet hec illesa volare”). In the third nocturn the antiphons mention his attitude to men and beasts, as he rescued sailors from pirates and pitied an old woman who was afraid to enter the church. Indicated only by incipit follows the Gospel ''Vigilate (et orate, nescitis enim)''. (R. DE BUCK indicates that the Gospel and the sermon, forming the readings of this nocturn, were that of the Commune sanctorum). The responsories and verses mention some of Theodgar’s miracles, the rescue of the sailors, his giving eyesight to a blind woman and the healing of a leper.
The five antiphons for Lauds continues the line of Thedodgar’s miracles which are summarized in the final antiphon for the Benedictus ''Infirmorum est medela,/ Sanctus cecis est medela,/ Pes claudorum est tutela''.

For Vespers 2 we only have the antiphon for the Magnificat, formed as a prayer to the confessor saint who is asked to give his support ''Famulis tuis in hac die/ Tuum fer auxilium''.

As indicated in GERTZ’s edition, the six readings of the legend are divided differtly in the various breviaries. These readings form a second version of the legend, listed in BHL as no. 8069:

=====Incipit=====
''Cum diversis in locis sanctorum patrum origine ac religione polleret ecclesia beatus Theodgarus ex honestiis originem ducens parentibus in terra Thyringia novum sydus apparuit''.

=====Explicit=====
... ''corpusque cum honore sepultum multis temporibus in tellure quievit''.

=====The metrical structure of the office ''Iocundare plebs Danorum''=====
The rhymed office of Theodgar offers a variety of meters according to the conventional structure of late medieval rhymed offices. In Vespers 1 three trochaic tetrameters with rhymes both at the caesura and at the end form the first antiphon, while the second consists of two hexameters with rhymes at the end. The other four antiphons are prosaic in structure but often let the single cola end with rhymes. The hymn appears to be written in the Sapphic meter according to the accents as in many medieval hymns using this meter.
In Mattins the invitatory consists of two rhymed hexameters. The nine antiphons are structured according to accent and present various rhythmical meters, most trochaic tetrameters but also glyconics and anapests, with end rhymes in most. All the responsories consists of two rhymed hexameters, whereas the verses are leonine hexameters.
In Lauds four of the antiphons consists of katalectic trochaic dimeters, while the second and the antiphon for the Benedictus are in akatalectic trochaic dimeters. Finally, the antiphon for the Magnificat in Vespers 2 seems to be a glyconic verse and a katalectic trochaic dimeter.

=====Sources=====
''Breviarium Othiniense'' I fols 433-435 (from Odense, printed in Lübeck 1483)
''Breviarium Othiniense'' II fols 420v-423 (from Odense, Lübeck 1497, used by R. de Buck)
''Breviarium Sleswicense'' fols 425v-426 (from Sleswig, Paris 1512)
''Breviarium Arosiense'' fols 334v-335v (from Århus, Århus 1519)
''Breviarium Roschildense'' fols 395v-396v (from Roskilde, Paris 1517)
''Breviarium Lundense'' fols 402-403v (from Lund, Paris 1517)
''Diurnale Roschildense'' fols 176v-177v (from Roskilde, Paris 1511)

=====Editions=====
*AH = BLUME, C., DREVES, G.M., BANNISTER, H. 1886-1922: Analecta hymnica medii aevi, Vols. 1-55. (The hymn ”Stella recurrens circuli solaris” in AH 11.245.)
*CYPRAEUS, J. 1634: ''Annales episcoporum Slesvicensium'', Cologne, 360-362 (edition of the legend contained in Breviarium Sleswicense).
*DE BUCK, R. 1883: ”Officium S. Thyudgari, ex Breviario Ottoniensi anni 1497”, Acta Sanctorum, Octobris vol. XIII, Paris, 461-463.
*GERTZ, M. CL. 1908-12: ''Vitae Sanctorum Danorum'', Copenhagen, 17-24.

=====Translation=====
(Danish): LAURSEN, H. 1934: ”Sankt Thøgers Dag,” ''Historiske Aarbøger for Thisted Amt'', VI, 437-452.

===Fragments of a ''liber miraculorum''===
GERTZ’ last text, no.V: ''Fragmenta libri cuiusdam deperditi de miraculis sancti Theodgari'', includes the text of a folio, dated to the XIII cent., which is used as cover for the accounts of Sölvesborg County in Southern Sweden. The text consists of fragmentary descriptions of four miracles, which all except the Eskillus story seems to refer the ones mentioned in the office: In the recto the words in the first column indicates the story of the sailors who being rescued from pirates bring gifts to Theodgar’s tomb; then follows the story of bishop Eskillus who refuses to recognize Theodgar as saint but forced to reconsider he becomes ''predicator veritatis et sancti Theodgari amator in cunctis''. The last part of the second column tells the miracle story of curing a blind ''ancilla'', which after a lacuna continues in the first column of the verso page. The two parts of the last miracle tells the story of a woman who in a heavy storm is rescued from a heavy strom at sea.

=====Editions=====
*RØRDAM, H.: Kirkehistoriske Samlinger III R., vol. 4, Copenhagen, 646-648.
*GERTZ, M. CL. 1908-12 ''Vitae Sanctorum Danorum'', Copenhagen, 25-26.

== Bibliography ==
*AH = BLUME, C., DREVES, G.M., BANNISTER, H. 1886-1922: ''Analecta hymnica medii aevi'', Vols. 1-55. (The hymn ''Stella recurrens circuli solaris'' in AH 11.245.)
*BHL = ?
*CYPRAEUS, J. 1634: ''Annales episcoporum Slesvicensium'', Cologne, 360-362.
*DE BUCK, R. 1883: ”Officium S. Thyudgari, ex Breviario Ottoniensi anni 1497”, Acta Sanctorum, Octobris vol. XIII, Paris, 461-463.
*GAD, T. 1961: ''Legenden i dansk middelalder'', Copenhagen, 170-172.
*GAD, T. 1971: ''Helgener. Legender fortalt i Norden'', Copenhagen, 250-251.
*GAD, T. 1974: ”Thøger”, ''Kulturhistorisk Lexikon för Nordisk Medeltid'', vol. XVII, Malmø, coll. 253-255.
*GERTZ, M. CL. 1908-12: ''Vitae Sanctorum Danorum'', Copenhagen, 3-26.
*JØRGENSEN, E. 1909: ''Helgendyrkelse i Danmark'', Copenhagen, 52-54, 155.
*LAURSEN, H. 1934: ”Sankt Thøgers Dag” in ''Historiske aarbøger for Thisted Amt'', VI, 437-452.
*LIEBGOTT, N.-K. 1982: ''Hellige mænd og kvinder'', Århus, 21, 196.
*OLRIK, H. 1893-94: ''Danske Helgeners Levned'', Copenhagen, 351-358.
*OLSEN, TH. DAMSGAARD 1970: ”Teodgaro”, ''Biblioteca Sanctorum'', XII, Roma, 268-273.
*TRAP, J.P. 1961: ''Danmark'' VI, 5.ed., Copenhagen, 333-335 (Vrendsted), 647-657 (Vesterwig).

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